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HIGHWAYS OF HISTORY

THE KINGDOMS OF

f.ORTHUMBRIA AND ALBAN

ABOUT THE END OF THE

NINTH CENTURY.

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HIGHWAYS OF HISTORY

THE CONNECTION

ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND

ELLA S. ARMITAGE

AUTHOR OF "the CHILDHOOD OF THE ENGLISH NATION*

WITH MAP \

WATERLOO PLACE, LONDON

MDCCCLXXXV

CONTENTS

PAOt

I. The Growth of the Kingdoms of Noeth-

UMBRIA AND AlBAN . . . . 1

II. The Acquisition of Lothian by Scotland . 13

III. The Acquisition of Scotland by Lothian . 28

IV. The Consolidation of Scotland . . . 43
V. The War of Independence . . . .5-2

VI. From the Treaty of Northampton to the

Accession of the Tudors . . . 67

VII. Scotland and the Two First Tudors . . 79
VIII. Scotland, the Tudors, and Protestantism . 94
IX. England and Scotland United by Protes-

TANTISM . . . . . 110

X. Triumph of Protestantism .n England and

Scotland . . . . . 126

XI. England and Scotland Working Together . 140
XII. From Disunion to the Union . , .156

CHAPTEE I.

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS OF
NORTHUMBRIA AND ALB AN.

At the time of the conversion of England (597), the
date at which the authentic history of England begins,
we find four nations occupying this island — the
Picts, Scots, Britons, and English, each speaking their
own language. The very names of England and Scot-
land were then unknown ; nor were all the elements
from which the two great kingdoms were to be formed
as yet present on the soil. But then, as now, two
nationalities — the Keltic and the Teutonic — divided
the land betM^een them, though in a distribution
widely different from that of to-day. The Picts,
Scots, and Britons were Kelts ; the English were
Teutons.

The Picts. — The Picts were the descendants of
those wild tribes of the North whom the Eomans
called the Caledonians. They probably belonged to
the Gaelic branch of the Keltic family. In the time
of Agricola they possessed not only all Scotland north
of the Firths of Clyde and Forth, but a great part of
the north of Ireland. Their national name was Cruith-
nigh ; but they received the name of Picts from the
Eomans because they tattooed their bodies. They had

2 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

not risen beyond the pastoral stage of civilization in
the days of Severus, and their social development was
very low, since they practised community of wives.
A trace of this primaeval custom survived in later
times in the Pictish law of succession to the throne
through the mother only. At the close of the sixth
century their kingdom stretched over the whole of
Scotland north of the Firth of Forth, except the
small portion which was held by the Scots.

The Scots. — The Scots were also a Gaelic people ;
they had joined with the Picts in those fierce attacks
on southern Britain which had done so much to
weaken the Eoman power in the island. They had
become Christianized before they came over from
Ireland in 498, and planted a colony in what is now
Argyleshire, under their king Fergus. Their kingdom
was a small one, as on the mainland it did not fill up
the limits of the present shire of Argyle. It was
separated on the east from the kingdom of the Picts
by that central mountain range known to old writers
as the Dorsum Britannise, or Backbone of Britain.
The earlier home of the Scots in Ireland had been
called Dalriada, and their colony in Britain was for
some time considered a part of the Irish kingdom of
Dalriada, until, in the year 575, through the influence
of St. Columba, Aidan, king of Scotch Dalriada, was
exalted into an independent sovereign.

The Britons. — The Britons belonged to the Cymric
branch of the Keltic family. At the time of the con-
version of England they still possessed, speaking
broadly, the whole West of England, from the Land's
End to the Clyde, and still cherished some broken
fragments of Eoman civiHzation. This British region

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS. 3

was not all ruled by one king. The kingdom of
Alclwyd, a fortified rock on the Clyde, which received
from the Gael the name of Dumbarton (the fort of the
Britons), stretched from the Clyde to the Mersey in the
sixth century. The Catrail, an ancient dyke which
still runs from the south-east corner of Peeblesshire,
through the shires of Selkirk and Roxburgh, was
probably the frontier between the northern part of
this kmgdom and the English of Bernicia.

The English. — We come now to the fourth nation-
ality in Britain, the one which was destined to be
supreme. The English — who belonged to the three
tribes of the Angles, Saxons, and Jutes — possessed at
this time about two-thirds of the part of our island
lying south of the Firths of Forth and Clyde. The
district between the Forth and Humber, known for
400 years after as Northumbria, we find possessed by
the Angles at the close of the sixth century. A long
struggle had probably been going on between the
natives and the invaders before the year 547, when
Ida, the first of the royal line of the Northumbrians,
rose to the rank of king, and fortified his royal seat at
Bamborough. Modern Scotchmen are not in the
habit of looking back to Ida as the founder of their
national greatness, but such he certainly was, as the
later history of Lothian will show. Ida's kingdom
does not appear to have been larger than the province
of Bernicia, the country lying between the river Esk,
in Edinburghshire, and the Tees, bounded on the west
by the Catrail ; and it may be doubted whether it
reached even those limits in Ida's lifetime, as the fierce
resistance offered by the natives made the AngKan
advance slow and gradual.

4 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

"While Ida was conquering Bernicia another Anglian
tribe under Ella was engaged in the conquest of Deira,
the southern province of Northumbria, stretching from
the Humber to the Tees ; and we are told that in 559
Ella succeeded Ida in the kingship of the Northum-
brians, though we stiU find the sons of Ida ruling in
Bernicia, and carrying on the struggle with the Britons.
The early history of Northumbria is very obscure ; but
its division into these two provinces of Bernicia and
Deira should be noted at the outset, as it is a fact of
great importance in later history. Though Northumbria
is generally spoken of as one kingdom, the tendency
to split into two provinces frequently reappears. The
kingdoms of Deira and Bernicia were certainly united
under Ethelfrith, the grandson of Ida, who married
the daughter of Ella, and expelled his son from the
country.

Ethelfrith of Northumhria, 594. — The English
historian, Beda, mildest of men, breaks forth into
something like a warwhoop when he celebrates the
glory of Ethelfrith. It was by his sword that the
long conflict between the northern Britons and the
Angles was finally settled. Beda states very expressly
the nature of the English conquest generally — "No
king ever made more lands habitable for the English
by exterminating the inhabitants, or tributary to them
by conquest." Which districts he thus colonized it is
impossible to decide ; we can only trace the blows by
which he secured the English supremacy in the North.
The Scottish colony of Argyle had existed as long as
the English settlement in Northumbria. The Scots
were Christians, having brought Christianity with
them from Ireland. Concerned at the success of the

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS. 5

heathen king, Aidan, king of Scots, resolved to
measure swords with him. He was completely de-
feated by Ethelfrith at Dawstone in Liddisdale, and
Beda says that from that day to his own time no king
of the Scots durst come into Britain to make war on
the English. Equally important was the blow which
Ethelfrith struck on the Britons. He may have been
stimulated to his attack by the fact that the children
of Ella, king of Deira, had taken refuge with a Welsh
king. The bloody defeat which Ethelfrith gave the
Welsh at Chester marked the first advance of the
Anglian power beyond that long reach of mountainous
country extending from Derbyshire to Scotland (607).

The immediate successor of Ethelfrith, Edwin, one
of the greatest of the Northumbrian kings, conquered
the Welsh kingdom of Elmet, on the borders of
Yorkshire and Lancashire. The old name of Edin-
burgh, Edwinesburh, seems to show that he advanced
the English border from the Esk to the Avon at least.
We are assured by Beda that Edwin was overlord of
all the British as well as of all the English kings in
the island except Kent.

The Scoto-Irish Church. — But for the Keltic race
was reserved the noble revenge of making a spiritual
conquest of their conquerors. In the sixth and seventh
centuries the Scoto-Irish were the chief missionaries
of nearly all Europe north of the Alps. The mission
of Columba from Ireland to Scotland in 563 not only
confirmed the little colony in the faith it had brought
with it, but by the foundation of the monastic Church
of lona established a centre for Christian missions,
whose importance was as great politically as religiously.
The first fruit of Columba's labours was the conversion

6 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

of Brude, kiiig of the Picts, and the establishment of
churches in all parts of his dominions. The two nations
of the Picts and Scots, kindred in blood, were now
entirely united in sympathy, and for 150 years scarcely
a single conflict is known to have taken place between
them. The political influence of Columba was so
great that he Avas able to obtain from the supreme
king of Ireland exemption of tribute for the Scottish
kingdom of Dalriada. It was by peaceful means that
the Church of Columba was to subjugate Northumbria.

When Ethelfrith of Northumbria perished in the
battle of the Idle, where he was overthrown by
Edwin, the son of EUa (617), his children sought
refuge among the Scots and Picts. There they learned
the GaeHc tongue and the Christian faith. The
eldest, Eanfrith, married a daughter of the Pictish
king. When the reign of Edwin ended in the
disastrous battle of Hatfield (633) the Christianity
which Korthumbria had received from the Eoman
Church of Kent was thrown off; but when after two
calamitous years Oswald, son of Ethelfrith, again
united the kingdoms of Bernicia and Deira under his
sway he began the re-christianizing of jSTorthumbria
with the help of missionaries from the home of his
exile (635). The father of the North-English Church
was Aidan the Scot, whose bishop's seat was estab-
lished in the isle of Lindisfarne. Oswald himself,
one of the few English kings Avho ever spoke Gaelic,
iaterpreted the words of the GaeHc missionaries to his
oA\Ti people.

The Scoto-Irish Church gave England the best she
had to give — her piety and her learning ; but one thing
she could not give — contact with Kome, the old and

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS. ^

ever new fountain-head of civilization. From the time
of the introduction of Roman Christianity into Kent,
the tide of Roman civiHzation had been steadily flow-
ing into the southern kingdoms of England ; and there
were men in the Northumbrian Church who discerned
the advantages which Northumbria would gain if she
were brought again into connexion with the Church of
Rome. Though they saw the Gaelic Church in her
palmiest days, when the flame of her missionary energy
Avas at its full height, yet it was with true insight that
they judged that she was not strong enough to run the
race set before her. No isolated Church was strong
enough for the task of subduing the barbaric world.
Without such an organization as that of Rome, Chris-
tianity could probably not have won even the imper-
fect triumph over barbarism which she eventually
achieved. The Irish Church only lost strength by her
struggle to maintain her independence ; her hour of
lofty asceticism was followed by a reaction, in which
she fell more and more under the secularizing influ-
ences of the clan, and her abbacies became the
hereditary possessions of chieftains' families.

Advance of the Northumbrian Kingdom. — We need
not repeat the oft-told tale of the Synod of Whitby
(664) and the victory of the Romanizing party. What
concerns us here is the political influence of that event
on the infant kingdoms of Northumbria and Dalriada.
The Northumbrian king Oswy, who had been con-
vinced at the Synod of Whitby that St. Peter held
the keys of the kingdom of heaven, was one of the
most powerful kings that Northumbria had ever
known. The grants of lands on the Ribble which he
made to Bishop Wilfrid mark the advance of the

8 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Anglian power over what is now Lancashire. The
kingdom of the Scots had lately been involved in a
struggle with the kingdom of Alclwyd, in which the
former had come off the worse, the last king of the
Scots having been slain by the Britons at the battle of
Strathcarron (642) ; and for the rest of the century
Dalriada appears to have been subject to Alclwyd. It
is not improbable that the king of the Alclwyd Britons
was among the British allies of Penda, king of Mercia,
to whom Oswy gave such a crushing defeat at Win-
waedfield (65.5). Previous to this Oswy's position,
even in his own kingdom of Bernicia, was precarious ;
after it we find him occupying a supreme position in
Britain. This victory over the Britons, followed by
the subjection of their country, brought with it the
subjection of the Scottish kingdom, which had been
in their hands since 642. The connexion between the
Anglian and the Pictish kingdoms was even closer.
Through the operation of the Pictish law of succession
through the mother, a certain Talorgan became king of
the Picts, who was the son of the English etheling
Eanfrith, brother of king Oswy. It has been conjec-
tured that on the death of this Taloigan, Oswy seized
the kingdom in virtue of his relationship. At any
rate, the supremacy of the Anglian kingdom over the
Britons, Scots, and Picts lasted for thirty years.

Egfrith, the son of Oswy, continued to encroach on
the kingdom of the Britons ; and his gift to St. Cuth-
bert of the district of Carlisle, and Cartmel " with its
Britons," shows that the whole country lying to the
south of the Solway was now in his hands. From this
time English Cumberland was permanently severed
from the British kingdom of Alclwyd, and that kingdom

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS. 9

receded before the Anglian advance till it retained little
more than the valley of the Clyde, and henceforth is
known in history as the kingdom of Strathclyde.

Pidish Reaction, 685. — But for one small kingdom
to hold down a number of others, economical resources
were needed such as were not possessed by any of the
states of the so-called Heptarchy • hence a single battle
was often enough to end for a time the English supre-
macy over the Kelts. The turn of the Picts came in
685, when a second attempt which they made to throw
off the sovereignty of Egfrith was completely success-
ful, Egfrith being defeated and slain at Dunnichen, in
Forfar. In consequence of this fatal battle, not only
did the Picts recover their independence, but Beda tells
us that the Scots and "some part of the Britons"
(probably the Britons of Strathclyde) regained their
liberty. The Angles, however, did not lose their
authority over Galloway, still less over English Cum-
berland, which continued under the rule of Northumbria
till it was conquered by the Northmen.

Ecclesiastical Struggle in Pictland, 717. — It is not
impossible that the dissension between the Roman
and the Columban Church may have had something
to do with the insurrection of the Picts against the
English, since one of its first consequences was the
expulsion of the English bishop, Trumwine, from
Abercorn, the seat of the bishopric which he had
held over the Picts. The Picts owed their conversion
and their civilization to the Church of Columba ; and
the subsequent revolutions of Pictland show that they
were deeply attached to that church. In the year
710 the Picts were ruled by a king named Nechtan,
who was enlightened enough to see, as Oswy had

lo ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

seen, that the Eoman Church held the keys of civiliza-
tion, if not of the kingdom of heaven. He accord-
ingly made overtures to the Church of Northumhria,
praying not only for instruction on those points in
which the Columban custom differed from the Roman,
but for architects to build churches in his kingdom
after the Roman fashion. The Northumbrian Church
responded warmly to his overtures ; and Nechtan, full
of enthusiasm and replenished with arguments, tried
to enforce upon the Church of Pictland the Roman
Easter and the coronal tonsure. Unable to compel
the Columban clergy to submission, he did not shrink
from the bold step of expelling them from his
kingdom, driving them across the mountain range of
Drumalban into Dalriada.

This event broke the long peace which had existed
for nearly 150 years between Dalriada and Pictland.
Both kingdoms now fell into a series of revolutions,
in which traces of an ecclesiastical struggle may be
observed, and which ended in establishing a powerful
king, Angus Mac Fergus, on the Pictish throne. By
his alliance with the Angles, whom he helped in
subjugating the kingdom of Strathclyde (756), and by
his foundation of the Roman Church of St. Andrews,
it is evident that he belonged to the Roman party.
The worship of St. Andrew was undoubtedly in-
troduced from Northumbria, and from this time St.
Andrew was adopted as the patron saint of the Pictish
kingdom. Angus completely subdued the kingdom of
Dalriada, which now became a Pictish province.

Kenneth Mac Alpin unites Pictland and Dalriada,
884. — But the supremacy of Pictland over Dalriada
was put an end to by the invasions of the Danes and

THE GROWTH OF THE KINGDOMS. ii

Norwegians. In the confusion caused by their attacks,
the kingdom of the Scots recovered its independence ;
and at a time when the Picts were crushed by a
bloody defeat at the hands of the Danes, Kenneth
Mac Alpin, king of the Scots, turned his arms against
the Picts, and made himself ruler of the Pictish
nation, which, according to the words of the Pictish
chronicler, he governed happily for sixteen years.

This revolution, which M^as the foundation of the
dynasty of kings known in later times as kings of
Scotland, is one of the most obscure in history. We
know that the kingdom of the Scots had always been
a smaU one — about a fourth the size of the kingdom
of the Picts ; we know that it had never been a
powerful or an advancing kingdom ; that it had been
subject for some eighty years to the Britons, and had
been completely subdued by the Picts not long before
Kenneth's accession; yet we suddenly find the king
of the Scots make himself master of the Pictish
throne, and not long after his accession the very
name of the Picts disappears from history. We are
driven to the conclusion that though a temporary
weakness of the Picts gave opportunity to the arms of
Kenneth, the revolution was more a change of dynasty
than anything else. Though Kenneth's descent is
very obscure, the name of his father Alpin is
undoubtedly Pictish, and may have been given him
by a Pictish mother. We must further bear in mind
that the histories which make the kings of Scotland
the direct heirs of Fergus Mac Ere were manufactured
in the twelfth century for a special purpose — to prove
that the kingdom of Scotland was as old as that of
England. And we are justified in assuming that if a

12 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

chieftain of partly Scottish descent seated himself on
the Pictish throne, some powerful party in Pictland
must have supported him ; and this party was probably
that of the Columban Church, which was so beloved
by the Picts. We find Kenneth transferring the
relics of Columba to the church of Dunkeld, a
measure which shows that he belonged to the
Columban party, and intended to maintain the
supremacy of the Columban Church by transferring it
to a situation less exposed to the attacks of the North-
men than the isle of lona. He appears to have
maintained a hostile attitude towards the English, and
to have avenged the usurpations of the Eoman party
by burning the Northumbrian churches of Dunbar
and Melrose, which had originally been Columban
foundations.

The kingdom of Kenneth and his successors con-
tinued to be called Pictland for more than fifty years ;
then the native chroniclers begin to call it Alban.
Our own chroniclers, however, always call it the
kingdom of the Scots, and we shall sometimes follow
their custom.

CHAPTEK II.
THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN BY SCOTLAND.

The Northmen in England and Alhan. — We find
the united kingdom of the Picts and Scots suffering
from the inroads of the Danes in the same way as its
southern neighbours. England was most harassed by
the Danes, Alban by the ISTorwegians. The last of
the native kings of Northumbria fell in battle against
the Danes at York in 867 ; the Danes made a com-
plete conquest of Northumbria, and set up a Danish
king in Yorkshire. At the close of the same century
the Norwegians conquered the Orkney Islands, and
having established themselves there, made Orkney
their basis of operations for the conquest of Northern
Scotland. How far the kingdom of Kenneth I.
extended we have no means of knowing, but at the
utmost it could not have reached beyond the Spey ;
and the conquest and colonization of Caithness and
Sutherland by the Norwegians boded as much danger
to the rising kingdom of Alban as the conquests and
settlements of the Danes in England did to the rising
kingdom of Wessex.

There can be no doubt that by these settlements in
North and South Britain a considerable amount of
Scandinavian blood was infused into the population of

14 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

this island. But the suioremely important result of
these heathen invasions was, that both in North
Britain and in South Britain, a single Christian kingdom
rallied round itself all the forces which religion or
national sympathy could gather to its aid, and having
first secured its own independence, gradually drew into
the circle of its allegiance the surrounding kingdoms.
The consolidation of England — begun by Alfred,
completed by his children and grand-children — was
the great work of the tenth century here. A similar
process took place in the same century in the North,
Under the pressure of the invading Northmen, the
three Keltic kingdoms gradually coalesced into one,
which was sufficiently elastic to survive the onslaught
of the heathen intruders, and was afterwards strong
enough to wrest from the English one of their fairest
provinces. But while we can trace with tolerable
distinctness the successive steps by which the kings of
Wessex brought under their own sway the varioxis
kingdoms of the so-called Heptarchy, a perplexing
twilight obscures the path by which the kingdom of
Alban advanced to greatness. And especially is the
most important event in all Scottish history, the
annexation of Lothian, wrapped in thick darkness.
We are obliged to supplement by conjecture the scanty
information which the chroniclers have handed down
to us.

Tlie Lords of Bamborougli. — The reader must bear
in mind that the ancient kingdom of Northumbria
stretched from the Humber to the Firth of Forth, and
that the two provinces of Bernicia and Deira, into
Avhich it Avas divided, though they had frequently been
united under one king, had never quite lost their ten-

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN. 15

dency to separate. The kingdom of the Scots and
Picts was still confined by the Forth. Just as the
kingdom of Wessex had turned the conquests of the
Danes to its own profit by wresting from them the
ancient kingdoms of East Angiia and Mercia, so did
the kingdom of Alban show a disposition to enlarge
its borders by absorbing as much of the ancient king-
dom of Northumbria as it could wrest from the Danes.
The actual settlement of the Danes appears to have
been confined to Deira or Yorkshire ; the northern
part of Northumbria they governed through a succes-
sion of under-kings from 867 to 878. The endings
caster and hy, which mark the settlements of the
Northmen, and which are found so thickly in York-
shire and Lincolnshire, are scarcely to be found in
Bernicia, and show that the Danish colonization ended
on the southern shore of the Tees. After the death of
the last under-king of Bernicia, we find the most
important man in that province was one Eadulf, Lord
of Bamborougli, who is spoken of as a friend of king
Alfred's; he died in 912, and the next lord of Bam-
borougli is his son Aldred, who has a brother, Uchtred.
As these three names are aU of frequent occurrence in
the family of hereditary earls of Bernicia, whom we
find there at the close of the century, we may assume
that their owners belonged to the same family ; and
from the hold which this family possessed in Bernicia,
at a time when hereditary earldoms were almost un-
known in the rest of England, we might even guess
(what an ancient tradition asserts) that they belonged
to one of the many branches of the house of Ida.

If we knew the history of these earls of Bernicia
better, we should probably find that it Avas owing to

l6 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

their efforts that the Danes were prevented from
making in Bernicia the complete conquest and settle-
ment which they made in Deira. Under their govern-
ment Bernicia seems to have maintained a precarious
independence between the Danes and the Scots. Their
position, however, must have been one of extreme
difficulty, isolated as they were from their natural
allies of English race by the Danish kingdom of York-
shire. Eadulf appears to have made alliance with
king Alfred. Aldred, the son of Eadulf, is spoken of
as the friend of Alfred's son Edward. But the kings
of Wessex were too distant to give Aldred material
support, and the energies of Edward and his sister
were absorbed in the arduous task of the reconquest
of Mercia. "When therefore Aldred was actually
driven from Bernicia by an invading force of Danes,
under Eeginald, grandson of Ragnar Lodbrog, he fled
to Constantine, king of Scots, for help (923). This
help was promptly given, but it is not likely that it
was given for nothing. Aldred probably commended
himself and his lands to Constantine, and hence may
have arisen the mysterious claim made by the Scottish
kings on Bernicia, a claim obstinately pursued for four
centuries.

Constantine and Aldred were defeated at Corbridge
by the Danes ; but though Reginald divided the lands
of St. Cuthbert (between Tees and Wear) among his
followers, Aldred must have recovered his possessions
afterwards, as we find him mentioned, evidently as a
very important potentate, among those who chose
Edward the Elder to father and lord in 924, This
submission was doubtless little more than a nominal
one, and when Athelstan actually conquered North-

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN. 17

uniliria (926), it is recorded that all the kings in this
island became subject to him, and among them is
mentioned Aldred of Bamborough.

Wessex and Alban in contest. — Athelstan was one of
the most doi;ghty of the descendants of Alfred, and
he was the first who conld justly be called king of all
England. It is very likely that it was his determina-
tion to extend the authority of "Wessex over the
whole of Northumbria which brought him into
collision with Constantine II., king of Alban; and
thus for the first time the kingdoms of "Wessex and
Alban, the two Christian kingdoms which had
survived the shock of the Danish invasion, and had
consolidated their power out of the wreckage of their
neighbours, stood face to face as rivals. The remnant
of the Strathclyde Britons, whose kingdom had been
almost annihilated by the Danes, had elected Donald,
brother of Constantine, for their king (908) ; and from
this time Strathclyde became politically united with
Alban, though retaining separate kings until 1018.
With Strathclyde for an ally, Constantine, who had
begun his reign vigorously by a brilliant defeat of the
Northmen, was in a good position to press his claims
on Bernicia ; but he was defeated by Athelstan, who
harried Scotland both by sea and land (933). Four years
later Constantine made another and greater effort to
recover his supremacy over the dominions of Aldred
of Bamborough. He allied himself with the family
of the Danish king, Eeginald, whom Athelstan had
expelled from Northumbria. He gave his daughter in
marriage to Olaf, the grandson of Reginald, and in
conjunction with his son-in-law and a large force of
Danes from Dubhn, and the king of the Strathclyde
c

I8 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Welsh, he invaded Northumbria with the evident
intention of reinstating Olaf in Deira, and uniting
Bernicia to the dominions of Alban. They advanced
as far as Brunnanburgh, probably Boroughbridge, in
Yorkshire. Here they received from Athelstan a
most crushing defeat, and no battle of the tenth
century has left such resounding echoes in ballad and
chronicle. The triumph-song of the victors has been
preserved in the Anglo-S'xxon Chronicle (937).

Cession of Cumberland, 945. — The attempts of the
kings of Alban on Northumbria were put an end to
for a time by this battle ; but the successors of
Athelstan, Edmund and Edred, had each in turn to
reconquer the province from Danish chieftains.
Edmund thought it wiser to seek the alliance of the
king of Alban in this conflict. He conquered Cumber-
land, and gave it to Malcolm I., king of Alban, on
condition " that he should be his fellow- worker by sea
and by land." This would appear to have been the
first time that English Cumberland submitted to the
arms of Wessex, though it was certainly part of the
province of the earls of Bernicia; but it had long
been in the hands of Norwegian settlers, who have
left their traces in the names of places. This arrange-
ment cannot have lasted longer than Malcolm's life-
time, as English Cumberland does not appear to
have been again in Scottish hands till the days of
Malcolm III.

What part the Bernician earls took in the battle of
Brunnanburgh we know not, but they were certainly
the allies of Edred, king of Wessex, in overthrowing
the last attempt of the Danes to establish an inde-
pendent sovereignty in Yorkshire, since it was by a

41

THE ACQUISITION OF lOTHIAN. 19

plot of Earl Osulf, of Bamborough, that the last
Danish king of Korthumbria, Eric, son of Harold
Bluetooth, king of Denmark, was slain (954). Osulf
ivas rewarded by being made earl of the whole
province of Northumbria. From this time Northum-
bria was an earldom or earldoms under the rule of the
English king ; but the kings of Alban did not give up
their claim on Bernicia. They were naturally attracted
by the more fertile lands lying to the south of the
Forth, and they wished for their share in the salvage
af the Old -English kingdoms. The same year in
which Edred won the kingdom of Northumbria
Indulph became king of Alban, a king of whom we
know scarcely anything, except that in his time the
city of Edinburgh was permanently occupied by the
Scots.

The Cession of Lothian. — This advance of the
Scoto-Pictish monarchy beyond the Forth is a very
noteworthy fact. The kings of Wessex had man-
fully fought their way to the sovereignty over the
whole English people, and aspired to an at least
nominal empire over the whole island ; but although
this had been accomplished for a moment, it is plain
that the task was too great for them. The sense of a
common nationality was still weak, and the organiza-
tion and resources of England were too undeveloped
for her to attempt to hold her empire togetlier by
rousmg a feeling of national unity. All she could do
was, to accept the personal commendation of the lesser
monarchs in the island, and to endeavour to keep their
allegiance by making it profitable to them. Such
a peaceful policy was worthy of Dunstan, the great
minister who guided the sceptre of Edgar, and he

20 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

probably saw that the alliance of the king of Scots
must be purchased even by great concessions. Edgar
had divided the earldom of Osulf between Oslac, who
received Yorkshire, and Eadulf Evilchild, apparently
the son of Osulf, who was set over the country
between the Tees and the Forth. It is evident that
the advance made by Indulph was not acknowledged
by the English government, and the fact that the
kingdom of Alban was then rent by civil war may
have inspired in Edgar the hope of maintaming the
Forth as his northern frontier; but this design was
relinquished. The Scottish civil war ended in 971,
and Kenneth II., who obtained the crown of Alban,
at once began a policy of vigorous attack on the
Bernician province. In one of these raids he is
related to have carried off a son of " the king of the
Saxons," a title which is probably intended for the
Earl of Bernicia. According to a chronicler of the
twelfth century Earl Eadulf, Earl Oslac, and the
Bishop of Durham now undertook the part of
mediators between Kenneth and Edgar. They led
Kenneth to Edgar's court, and Edgar made over to
him the province of Lothian (a name then given to
the country between the Forth and the Tweed), for
which he did homage. A still later chronicler, but
one who used ancient authorities which are now lost
tells us that Edgar, after investigating the justice of
the hereditary claim made to Lothian by Kenneth,
was led to cede the province to him, chiefly because
the means of access to it for defence were very
difficult, and its possession not very profitable ; and
further that the king of Scots was obliged most
solemnly to promise that he would not deprive the

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN.- 21

people of that region of their ancient customs, and
that they should still be allowed to use the name and
language of the Angles. Under these well-trimmed
phrases, if we consider the harryings on the part of
Kenneth which the Pictish chronicler records, we
can scarcely helj) discerning something very like a
conquest of Lothian by Kenneth. It would be
interesting to know whether Earl Eadulf now kept
his dominions north of the Tweed, under homage to
the king of Alban, or whether he ceded his more
northern possessions as a ransom for his son. It is
remarkable that in the reign of William the Con-
queror we still find the earls of this family in the
same ambiguous position, halting between allegiance
to Scotland and allegiance to England.

Thus the eastern frontier of England and Scotland
was fixed at the Tweed ; but the ambition of the
Scottish kings appears to have been still u,nsatisfied, and
they continued to try to push their border southward
whenever opportunity offered. Malcolm II., king of
Scotland,* son of Kenneth II., harried Northumber-
land with an immense force in 1006, and laid siege to
Durham. But Uchtred, son of Waltheof, Earl of
^Northumberland, was a youth of great energy and
prowess, and inflicted on the Scottish forces such a
crushing defeat that the king himself escaped with
difficulty. It is very possible that after this victory
Uchtred recovered the possessions of his ancestors in
Lothian, and that they were lost again after Uchtred's
death, as a result of the disastrous battle of Carham
(1018), in which the Northumbrians were defeated

* The kingdom of Alban now begins to be called Scotia iu
the native chronicles.

22 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

with immense loss by the Scots under Malcolm, a
battle which spread desolation from Tweed to Tees for
many years after. We can only thus account for the
cession of Lothian which is said to have been made
by Eadulf Cudel, Earl of Northumberland, and brother
of Uchtred, to the Scots. EaduK, says Simeon of
Durham, being a slothful and cowardly man, feared
the vengeance of the Scots for the losses inflicted on
them by his brother, and gave them the whole of
Lothian in satisfaction. This was in the reign of Cnut,
after the renewed invasions of the Danes had tem-
porarily overwhelmed the English monarchy. Cnut
became king of all England in 1017, but he had not
an opportimity of settlmg matters with the Scottish
king Malcolm until 103L He then marched into
Scotland, and received the submission of Malcolm.
But he made no attempt to recover Lothian, and the
English frontier remained fixed at the Tweed. He
appointed an earl of Danish race to Northumbria, yet
we still find the family of Uchtred holding tlie earldom
of Bamborough until Earl EaduK, son of Uchtred, was
slain by Siward, who was then made Earl of all Xorth-
umbria from the Humber to the Tweed (1041). He
married a granddaughter of Earl Uchtred.

Importance of this Cession. — Probably neither Edgar
nor Cnut, nor the Scottish kings with whom they
treated, had any idea of the vast importance of the
cession of Lothian to the kingdom of Scotland. The
statement made by Wallingford, that Kenneth pledged
himself that the laws and language of Lothian should
be unaltered, was probably only the chronicler's ex-
planation of facts. The promise is not one likely to
have been made at that time. But the laws and Ian-

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAX. 23

gnage of Lothian were destined to be the laws and
language of Scotland, and it was the English proviace
which was to become the seat of government and the
centre of influence for the whole of the Scottish kiag-
dom. The kingdom of Ida, and not the kingdom of
Fergus Mac Ere, was the true germ of the kingdom of
Scotland. The king of Scotland of the twelfth cen-
tury, though he rules from Dunfermline instead of
Bamborough, is the successor of the kings of Bernicia
and earls of Bamborough. We shall afterwards trace
the operation of the great but silent revolution, by
which the English element became supreme in Scotland.
The Supremacy of Wessex. — "We have strung to-
gether the events connected with the cession of Lotliian
in order to place that cession before the reader with as
much distinctness as possible in the midst of the
obscurity which surrounds it. We must now go back
to take up the thread of the relations between England
and Scotland at an earlier point. The statements
made by the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, that the nation
of the Scots chose Edward the Elder to father and
lord, and that from time to time various kings of Scot-
land became the "men" of the English kings, were
the subject of bitter controversy in the thirteenth
century, the echoes of which have not quite died out
yet. It is unfortunate that national vanity should
complicate a question whose interest should be purely
scientific. The Scotland which existed in the time of
Edward the Elder was not the Scotland of to-day, nor
even the parent of the Scotland of to-day, but a
wholly different thing: and as a matter of historical
fact, there can be no question that the monarchy of
AtheLstan and Edgar was in every sense greater, more

24 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

powerful, and more civilized than the monarchy of
Alban. The work of uniting the many kingdoms of
England under the royal line of Wessex had been as
hard a piece of work as ever kings put their hand to.
It had been accomplished by a race of heroes through
a long struggle, in which steadfastness of purpose at
last won the day over all the forces which were rending
the realm asunder. Alfred, Edward, Elfleda, Athel-
stan, Edmund, Edred, Edgar — these are the true
founders of the English empire. Of the* Scottish
kings who reigned at the same time we know so little,
that we can scarcely decide whether the survival of the
kingdom of Alban through the onslaughts of the North-
men was due to their personal vigour, or to the fact
that Caithness and the Isles bore the brunt of the
Norwegian attack. The poverty of intellectual life in
Alban is revealed by the meagTeness of the only
national chronicle. There is, therefore, nothing in-
herently improbable in the idea that the weaker and
more barbarous kingdom accepted the supremacy of the
stronger and more civilized, especially when we find
that the latter entertained distinct claims of imperial
sovereignty in the island of Britain. Our best
authority, the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, tells us ex-
pressly that the king of Scots and the whole nation of
the Scots chose Edward the Elder to father and lord ;
that Athelstan ruled over Constantine, king of Scots ;
that the Scots gave oaths to Edred, that they would all
that he would; and that Malcolm II. of Scotland
became the man of Cnut. The supremacy indeed was
little more than nominal ; the commendation of the
king of Scots was personal and not territorial, except
as regards Cumberland and Lothian, where the land

I

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN. 25

was distinctly granted in return for pledges of service.
But the English kings had no power of enforcing the
service if it was withheld except by the cumbrous
method of an expedition into Scotland ; still less had
they any authority over the king of Alban's immediate
subjects.

Strathdyde incorporated with Scotland. — About the
same time that the Scottish kingdom was enlarged by
the cession of Lothian, it was further strengthened by
the incorporation of the kingdom of Strathdyde.
Strathdyde, after electing the Scottish Donald as its
king in 908, continued to have a line of kings of its
own till 1018. They appear to have been under the
immediate suzerainty of the king of Scots, but the
kings of Wessex claimed an imperial authority over
them. Strathdyde had already undergone an Angli-
cizing process. A large migration of its British
inhabitants to Wales is reported after the Danish
invasions ; and though the Scottish kings address their
Welsh subjects in charters as late as Malcolm IV.,
there can be no doubt that the country had been
extensively colonized by Angles and Northmen, and
the appearance of the inhabitants at the present day
points to a Teutonic origin. The Welsh language
appears to have died out in the twelfth century. The
last separate king of Strathdyde whom we read of was
Owen, who was slain in 1018, perhaps at the battle of
Carham, where he certainly fought on the side of
.Malcolm II. After his death, Malcolm appears to
have made his own grandson (Duncan) king of Strath-
dyde. Malcolm left no sons, and Duncan succeeded
him in 1034 as king of Scots. We have only to look
at the map to see the immense accession of territory

26 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

which was thus gained by the Scottish kings. Their
power at that time did not extend northwards beyond
the Spey; their ancient kingdom of Dalriada was a
barren land of mountains, and even in Pictland the
plains along the shore formed less than half of the
whole country. South of the Forth, however, they now
became possessed of a broad level region, of which the
province of Lothian would be the most fertile and
wealthy part. This fact alone, without any assertion
of the superior industry and doughtiness of the people
of Lothian, would be enough to account for the trans-
ference of the political centre to the southern province,
and for the gradual victory of the Teutonic element in
the religion, laws, and language of Scotland. For a
long time such phrases as " going out of Scotland into
Largs " for crossing the Clyde, or " out of Scotland into
Lothian " for crossing the Forth, preserved the memory
of the former separation of the kingdoms. It was
centuries before the English of Lothian ceased to
think of themselves as English or accepted the name
of Scots ; that transformation was not effected till the
wars of the foiirteenth century had created a factitious
national hatred between the Angles of Lothian and
their southern kinsmen.

The cession of Lothian was the making of Scotland;
it was some small return for the great gift which the
Gael of lona had so willingly given to the English
nation. Let us gratefully acknowledge the influence
of the Kelt before he fades away from our pages as a
sovereign nation, only to reappear as a rebel or a
eateran. Of the Picts we can say little ; they have
left no literature, and their social development was
low. But the Gaels who colonized Argyll had traditions

THE ACQUISITION OF LOTHIAN. 27

orf learning and culture ; and there still exists in their
ancient mother-tongue a literature full of fancy,
tenderness, and grace. They nobly gave themselves
for the evangelization of Europe ; and though the
influence of their Church was destined to pale before
the gTeater Church of Eome, it cannot be denied that
the portrait drawn by Beda of their missionaries
contrasts favourably with that of some of the mission-
aries of Rome. There was much pleasant and kindly
intercourse between the Church of lona and the
Northumlirian kingdom, even after the dispute about
Easter had been settled in favour of Rome. Adam-
nan, Abbot of lona (703), was converted to the
Roman usage through his intercourse with Aldfrid,,
king of Northumbria, who had himself spent some
time in Ireland for the sake of studying letters. It
is as strange as pleasant to find in the pages of Beda
the true spirit of Christian toleration, that virtue
absolutely unknown to later ages, which it took so
much hard fighting to plant on earth, but which we
find quietly blooming in the eighth century in the
cloisters of Jarrow, when the Roman monk writes of
the Columban saints.

CHAPTEE III.

THE ACQUISITION OF SCOTLAND BY
LOTHIAN.

Marriage of Malcolm and Margaret. — If the
cession of Lothian is the most important event in
the history of Scotland, the next in importance is the
marriage of Malcohn III. (Canmore) with Margaret,
granddaughter of King Edmund Ironsides.

Malcolm III. was the son of Duncan, who had
been made king of Strathclyde during the life of his
grandfather Malcolm II. Duncan had attempted to
prosecute the Scottish claim on Bernicia, but had
been repulsed with loss from the siege of Durham
(1040). In the same year he was completely defeated
by Thorfinn, earl of Orkney (who had a good claim to
the kingdom, being also by his mother a grandson of
Malcolm II.), whom he had attempted to make
tributary. Duncan was shortly afterwards murdered
by Macbeth, the Mormaer or Ealdorman of Moraj'-,
who had some claim to the Scottish crown through his
Avife. This is the Macbeth whose legendary history
has been immortalized by Shakspere. In 1054 Siward,
earl of Northumbria, who was related by marriage to
Duncan, was sent by Edward the Confessor to invade
Scotland in favour of Malcohn, son of Duncan, and

A CQ UISITION OF SCO TLAND BY LO THIA N. 29

defeated Macbeth, liut only succeeded in establishing
Malcolm in Lothian and Strathclyde. Malcolm,
whose kinship with Siward shows him to have been
half English or Anglo-Danish by birth, had now
passed fourteen years of his life in England, and
knew the English tongue as well as his own. After
reigning three years in Lothian and Strathclyde, he
overthrew Macbeth, and became king of Scotland
(1057). Some twelve years after this, when Edgar
the Etheling, and his sisters Margaret and Christina,
grandchildren of Edmund Ironsides by his son
Edward, Avho had married in exile a daughter of the
king of Hungary, took refuge in Scotland from the
severity of William, the I^orman Conqueror, Malcohn
was struck by the beauty and grace of Margaret and
made her his wife.

This marriage was the most exalted which any
Scottish king had yet made. Margaret was the
descendant of a long line of kings who called them-
selves the Emperors of Britain, and whose court was
the centre of civilization in the island. On her
mother's side she counted a holy Eoman emperor
among her ancestors. She was moreover the direct
heir to the English crown after her childless brother
Edgar, and she thus brought into the Scottish royal
house a claim to the English throne. But her own
personal character was more important still. She was
a woman of unusual cultivation for that age, and of
great force of character. Her influence over her
husband was almost boundless. Her advice was
siipreme in all matters of state. She steadily aimed
at introducing into the kingdom and church of Scot-
land the civilization of England. She loved not only

30 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

the substance but the show of civilization, and wisely-
sought to enhance the dignity of royalty in the eyes
of a barbarous people by greatly increasing the pomp
of her husband's court. She insisted on better dress
among the Scottish ladies, and gave encouragement
to merchants and to trade. She decorated the shrines
of the churches, and established a school of embroi-
dery in her own palace for ecclesiastical robes. She
tried, and with so much tact and wisdom that she
succeeded, to abolish all the customs in the Scottish
church which were contrary to those of Kome. She
was herself so well read in theology that she was able
to silence all disputants ; but she showed no bigotry
towards the Keltic church, but paid all reverence to
its holy men.

The Norman Conquest, 1066. — An event had now
taken place in England which was greatly to increase
the power and stability of the English kingdom, by
introducing a stronger government than England had
ever known before. But it was not till the year 1070
that the conquest of England by William the Norman
was complete ; the ancient Northumbrian realm did
not submit without several struggles. It was natural
that Malcolm III, should see in the disaffection of the
north of England an opportunity for extending the
Scottish frontier. The ancient house of the Lords of
Bamborough stiU retained the chief authority in
Northumbria. Although Tostig, son of Earl Godwin,
and Morcar, son of Elfgar, earl of Mercia, had succes-
sively obtained the earldom of Northumbria in the
reign of Edward the Confessor, the portion north of
Tyne had reverted to Osulf, a direct descendant of
Earl Uchtred. An attempt made by William to dis-

A CQ UISITION OF SCOTLAND BY LO TfflA N. 3 1

possess Osulf in favour of Copsig, a follower of Tostig,
ended in the murder of Copsig ; but at the death of
Osulf, in the same year, Gospatrick, another grandson of
Earl Uchtred, bought the earldom from William.

Gospatrick's mother was the daughter of Uchtred
by his third wife Elfgiva, daughter of King Ethelred
II. ; his father was Maldred, son of Crinan, the lay-
abbot of Dunkeld, by the daughter of King Malcolm
II. Gospatrick was thus descended from the royal
lines of England and Scotland, as well as from the
ancient chieftains of Bernicia ; he must have been an
important man, and he may have hoped to maintain
the same half-independent position between the king-
doms of England and Scotland which his ancestors
had held. It was not long before he and the Earls
Edwin and Morcar formed an alliance with the king
of Scots, to resist the advance of William towards the
yet unconquered North. The first attempt failed
through the treason of Edwin and Morcar ; William
established himself at York, and Gospatrick fled to
Scotland with the Etheling Edgar and his sisters
(1068).

Revolt of the North, 1069. — The attempt of William
to set up a Norman in the earldom of Gospatrick
led to the great rebellion of the North, by which the
northern earls and people attempted to reinstate Edgar
in the northern part of the kingdom with the help of
a Danish force. The only result of this was the con-
quest of the North by William, and the ruthless
harrying of the whole country between the Humber
and the Tyne. Gospatrick made submission and got
back his earldom. The alliance between him and the
king of Scots appears now to have been dissolved ; for

32 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

when, after William's forces had retired, Malcolm
entered Teesdale and harried Cleveland and Durham,
Gospatrick retaliated by a plundering raid into Cum-
berland, which Malcolm appears to have seized upon
this expedition.

Malcolm does homage to William^ 1072. — It now
became necessary for William to settle what his
relations with the king of Scots were to be. He
marched without opposition through Lothian into the
true Scotland beyond the Forth, and received the
homage of Malcolm at Abernethy. What this homage
implied no historian tells us ; but the submission was
so complete that the son of Malcolm, Duncan, was
carried away by William as a hostage for the obedience
of his father. This is the first time we hear of any
solid guarantees being exacted for the submission of
the Scottish kings. It is a sign of the more definite
and precise feudalism which came in with the
Conqueror and his sons ; it marks the intention, never
wholly abandoned by the Norman kings, and realized
at last by Henry II., of making the feudal relation of
Scotland to England as definite as that of Normandy
to France. Eeturning from Scotland thus successful,
William was now strong enough to depose Gospatrick
from his earldom, on charges which he had condoned
when his arm was not long enough to reach the
offender. He did not yet venture, hoAvever, to place
a foreigner in Northumberland, but gave the earldom
to Waltheof, son of Siward and great-grandson of
Earl Uchtred. Gospatrick fled to Scotland, and
becoming reconciled to Malcolm, received from him
the earldom of Dunbar. When Waltheof was
beheaded for his share in the revolt of Kalph Guader,

ACQi .SITION OF SCOTLAND BY LOTHIAN. 33

tlie government of his earldom was given to Walclier,
bi.sliop of Durham.

Malcohn again harried Northumberland in 1079,
aiul Eobert, son of the Conqueror, was sent to
Lothian three years later to force him to renew his
homage, but without success. On his return Eobert
built I^ewcastle, to defend the northern counties
against the inroads of the Scottish king.

While WiUiam Rufus was reigning in England,
Malcolm again invaded the North, apparently with the
design of restoring Edgar Etheling, who was then
again in Scotland, to the English throne. The
invasion was repelled by the "good men who giiarded
this land;" bixt the news of it brought William II.
back to England from Normand3% He marched
through Lothian with a powerful army, but no blow
was struck, because the fleet, which was to have
co-operated with him, was destroyed by a storm,
while bad weather and want of food paralysed the
army. Malcolm came to meet him at the Scots'
Water, as the Firth of Forth was then called, and by
the mediation of Robert, the king's brother, and
Edgar Etheling, a peace was concluded between the
two kings, Malcolm swearing to WiUiam "the same
obedience that he had sworn to his father."

William II. annexes Cumberland, 1092. — William
was the first to break this peace. Cumberland, a name
which then applied to the whole country between the
Solway and the Duddon, and the Rere Cross of Stain-
more on the east, had not been part of WiUiam I.'s
conquest. As has been said already, it had been
nominaUy under the government of the Northumbrian
earls ; but large settlements of Norwegians had been

D

34 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

formed both on the coast and among the mountains.
In the complete obscurity of its history during the
eleventh century, we only know that Malcohn III.
seized it, probably in 1070, and held it in 1072 by
right of conquest. William I. never made any
attempt to win it, but William II. probably regarded
it as rightly belonging to his kingdom, and did not
hesitate to wrest it from Malcolm. The ancient
Koman city of Carlisle was lying in ruins in the reign
of Kufus, having been destroyed by the Northmen ;
and the district was governed, for the king of Scots,
by one Dolfin, a son of Earl Gospatrick. WilKam not
only drove out Dolfin, but secured his conquest of
Cumberland by restoring the city of Carlisle, building
and garrisoning a castle there ; and more than all,
by importing a colony of " ceorls " from the southern
parts of England. The castle built at Carlisle, with
others which now arose at Wark, Norham, and
Prudhoe, put the frontier into a better state of defence
against the raids of the Scots.

Malcolm invades England, 1093. — This seizure of a
province which Malcolm had held for twenty years
may have had some part in the quarrel which broke
out the next year between the kings, and which the
chroniclers ascribe to the refusal of William to fulfil
the promises which he had made at the Scots' Water.
Malcolm tried first to obtain satisfaction by peaceful
means, but these failing, he invaded Northumberland,
and harried the country with the cruelty which English
chroniclers always ascribe to the raids of Scottish
kings. But on this expedition he met with his death-
wound at the hand of Morel, the steward of Eobert
Mowbray, the Norman Earl of Northumberland. His

1

A CQUISITION OF SCO TLA ND BY LO THIAN. 35

' st son, by Margaret, was slain with him, and the
"1 qiieen, who was already in her death-sickness,
breathed her last on hearing the dreadful news.

Victory of the Anglicized Dynasty. — The disaster
which thus befel the Scotch royal house was followed
by a revolution, in which the Keltic element in Scotland
made a brief struggle for supremacy. Donald Bane,
brother of Malcolm III., was raised to the throne, and
the English officials who had formed the court of
Malcohn were driven from the country. But the
Anglo-Norman party soon found a leader in Duncan,
son of Malcolm and Ingebiorg, who had been living as
a hostage at the Korman court ever since 1072. Dun-
can offered to William " such homage as he required,"
and with the aid of English and Korman troops he
expelled Donald Bane from the throne. The struggle,
however, between the Keltic and English party was
continued for four years longer, and for a time it
seemed as though the ancient separation between
Bernicia and Alban Avould be revived when Donald
Bane ruled again north of the Forth, and Edmund,
son of Malcolm, in Lothian. But the struggle ended
in 1097, when Edgar the Etheling, acting as the lieu-
tenant of William Rufus, led an army into Scotland,
and by hard fighting drove out Donald Bane, and
established his nephew Edgar, fourth son of Malcolm
and Margaret. Donald Bane and Edmund were kept
in captivity until they died, and the succession to the
Scotch throne was secured to the Anglicized family
of Malcolm. Never after this time did the blood of
the Scotch kings receive a Keltic cross ; no Gaelic
chieftain's daughter was mother to any king of
Scotland.

36 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Transformation of the Scottish Kingdom and
Church. — Ever since the accession of Malcolm the
silent revolution, which was to make Scotland an
English kingdom, had been going on. Malcolm was
half English by birth ; he had spent fourteen years in
England ; he had been helped to the throne by English
aid ; he had married an English wife, and his sympa-
thies were with his English rather than his Gaehc
subjects. After the Norman conquest there was a
steady emigration across the Tweed of those English
who would not submit to William, or those Avho were
driven from England by his frightful devastation of
the North. Many of the English nobility received
lands in Scotland.* The towns which were fostered
by Malcolm and his sons were filled with English and
Flemish traders, and the laws by which they were
governed were those of the Anglo-Saxon burghs.

The Church of Scotland also underwent a silent
process of transformation. Settled territorial sees
were founded, whose bishops were members of the
Roman church. Priests from the south were spread
over the northern parts of the kingdom, and after the
reign of Malcolm III. Gaelic names are rarely to be
found among the Scotch hierarchy. Malcolm and
Margaret introduced Benedictines into the abbey
which they founded at Dunfermline, and in the next
century the Cistercians and other Roman orders
completed the Romanizing of the Keltic Church.
By asking Lanfranc, Archbishop of Canterbury, to
become her spiritual adviser, Margaret virtually

• The families of Lindsay, Ramsey, Wishart, Wardlaw,
Maxwell, and Crichton are among those which are believed to
have settled in Scotland during this reign.

A CQ UISITION OF SCO TLAND BY LO THIAN. 3 7

acknowledged the supremacy of the Church of Canter-
hury. As the national feeling of Scotland developed,
this supremacy of Canterbury was steadily resisted by
the Scotch clergy. As our limits do not allow us to
trace the history of the struggle of the Scotch Church
for independence of Canterbury and York, we will
only mention here that in 1188 the Scots obtained
from Pope Clement III. a bull, declaring the Scotch
Church to be the immediate daughter of Eome.

The names Avhich Margaret gave to her children are
very significant. Edward, Edmund, Ethelred, Edgar,
and Edith show how strong her English sympathies
were, and her pride in belonging to the royal house of
England. The name of Alexander points to the
entrance of foreign romance into the court of
Scotland, while David marks admiration for the
typical religious king, the founder of a strong
monarchy under divine authority. These names alone
would be sufficient to show that the kingdom of the
Scots had now taken a new departure.

Feudalism introduced into Scotland. — Edgar, son of
Malcolm, who was placed on the throne by the
soldiers of William Eufus, was surrounded by an
English court, and the names of the witnesses of the
one charter which remains of him are all English.
He addresses his subjects as Scots and English. His
brother and successor, Alexander I., after suppressing
a Gaelic insurrection, struggled vigorously to introduce
into Scotland the feudal order which he saw in
England. But it was under David (1124), the
youngest of the sons of Malcolm and Margaret, that
the change which had already taken place in the
Scotch polity was consolidated. David seems to

38 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

liave accompanied his sister Edith (henceforth called
Matilda) to England in 1100, when her marriage to
Henry I. took place, that marriage so popular among
the English, by which the blood of the old English
kings was brought into the Norman line. David
was educated at the English court, and, as Malmsbury
says, "polished from a boy by intercourse and famil-
iarity with us." He married the daughter of Earl
"VValtheof, the widow of the Norman Earl of North-
ampton. By this marriage he broiight into the
possession of the kings of Scotland the earldom of
Northampton and honour of Huntingdon, and a new
claim to the ancient earldom of Uchtred— a claim
steadily pursued by the Scotch kings for more than
a century. David was in fact a Norman baron.
During the lifetime of his brother he had held
Scottish Cumbria as an independent earldom, and had
gathered round him a following of Norman nobles.
This influx of Norman adventurers into what is now
Scotland went on during the reign of David, until
that quiet revolution was completed, which we may not
incorrectly describe as the Anglo-Norman subjugation
of Scotland.*

It was David's distinct plan to change the ancient
Keltic monarchy into a feudal state. Changes in this
direction were made easy by the large English and
Norman element which now filled the ranks of the

* Among the Norman families thus introduced into Scotland
were those of De Moreville, Bruce, Umfraville, Riddell,
Corbett, Percy, Lindsay, Gumming, and Fitz Alan. Flemish
settlers were much encouraged by David, and the families
of Douglas, Leslie, Fleming, and Burgon are all of Flemish
origin.

A CQ UISITION OF SCO TLAND BY LO THIAN. 39

nobility. The change consisted mainly in the tran-
sition from a tribal to a territorial state ; from a
condition in which everything depended on a man's
personal relations, to a condition in Avhich everything
depended on a man's relation to the land. The
authority which Malcolm possessed over his Keltic
subjects was merely personal, and rested in him as
the head of the tribe. His authority over Lothian
■was that of a territorial lord ; and it was this authority
which the family of Malcolm struggled to transfer over
the whole of Scotland. This change had already
come about in England, so gradually and quietly that
it has required a rigorous investigation to trace its
progress distinctly. In Scotland it was brought about
more artificially by the will of the rulers, favoured by
the already existing institutions of Lothian and
Strathclyde. As a feudal monarch, David claimed to
be the supreme landlord of Scotland, and in his reign
the tribe lands which had not been granted to feudal
lords were treated as royal demesnes. In no country
was the ideal of a feudal state more completely
realized than in Scotland ; while in other feudal states
the tenant was allowed to alienate his land by paying
a fine, in Scotland no alienation coidd take place
except through the medium of the superior. Further,
the appointment of sheriffs or king's officers to collect
the royal dues, begun by Alexander or David, gradually
brought the royal authority to bear directly on all
parts of the kingdom.

Lothian the ruling Province of Scotland. — Since
David was bent on consolidating his kingdom after
the model of feudal England, and on putting an end
to the barbarism of the clan system, we can understand

40 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

why he encouraged the immigration of English rebels
and Norman adventurers, men of valour and spirit,
bound by no ties to the English king, on whom he
could rely to defend his monarchy against both Scots
and English. These adventurers were settled in
southern Scotland, where alone David's claim to be
supreme landlord was fully recognized, and thus was •
brought about in David's time the transference of
political supremacy from the north to the south of the
Forth. The great ecclesiastical foundations of David —
Holyrood, Melrose, Kelso, and Jedburgh — were all in
Lothian ; and from the time of David onward Lothian
became the ruling province of Scotland.

Lothian conquers Keltic Scotland. — But in order to
complete this great change in the internal polity of
Scotland the Anglo-Scottish descendants of Malcolm
had to engage in nothing less than a conquest of the
Keltic parts of the kingdom. Alexander I. began his
reign by suppressing the rebellion of the Keltic
IMormaer of Moray, chief of the north-eastern Kelts.
The sons of this same Moray chieftain rose against
David while he was absent at the court of Henry I.,
and he owed the preservation of his authority to the
vigour of Edward the Constable, one of his English
followers, and to the help of an Anglo-Norman force
from Northumberland and Yorkshire. The earldom of
Moray was declared forfeited to the Crown, and was
regranted, in portions, to nobles in whom David could
place confidence. This was the greatest breach made
on the Keltic power since the subjection of the Picts
by Oswy. Eordun tells us that David's successor,
Malcolm IV. (1160), drove out the Keltic inhabitants
of Moray, and replaced them by "his own peaceful

ACQUISITION OF SCOTLAND BY LOTHIAN. 41

people;" to wit, English from Lothian. Without
accepting so wholesale a displacement, we may believe
that Malcolm, like David, encouraged the settlement
of Englishmen, Flemings, and Normans in the Keltic
districts, though this immigration was chiefly confined
to the towns, which were in fact Teutonic colonies.
The evidence of topography shows that such colonies
were very thickly planted between the Forth and the
Grampians, more sparsely on the sea-board between the
Grampians and the Moray Firth. Malcolm's brother
and successor, William the Lion, conquered Eoss
(1179), and Alexander II. subdued Argyle, the
original seat of the Scottish monarchy (1222).

The descendants of Duncan (son of Malcolm III.
and Ingebiorg) struggled for many generations against
the descendants of Margaret, and were warmly sup-
ported by the Kelts. An old chronicler says of one of
these claimants, " He was of the ancient lineage of the
Scottish kings, and both he and his father Donald,
with the support of the Scots, exercised constant
hostilities against the modern kings ; for these modern
kings show that they are Normans, both in race,
customs, language, and culture ; and having reduced
the Scots to utter servitude, they admit Normans only
to their friendship and service." At an assembly of
the estates of Scotland in 1283, amidst a crowd of
Norman barons, the only Keltic nobles present were
the native chieftains of Argyle and the Isles. Argyle
and Eoss, the most Keltic regions of the kingdom,
were a constant source of trouble to the Scotch
crown; and it was not till 1476 that the contest was
finished, when the earldom of Eoss was annexed to
the crown, and the Keltic lordship of the Isles became

42 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

a feudal barony. But as late as the eigliteenth cen-
tury the tradition that the Lowlands had once been
held by their forefathers was still living among the
Highlanders, and was regarded as investing their
plundering raids with a species of right.

CHAPTER IV.

THE CONSOLIDATION OF SCOTLAND.

The Scotch Kings as English Barons. — During the
twelfth and the first three-quarters of the thirteenth
century, a period in which Scotland was consolidating
her dominion within her own border, and forming her
government on the model of that of Henry I., but
with less safeguard against the power of the baronage,
the relations between England and Scotland were in
the main peaceable. There was no national hatred
between English and Scotch at a time when the Low-
land Scotch fully recognized that they were English.
The battles which took place between England and
Scotland were episodes rather than natural results of a
struggle between rival nations. There was no such
struggle ; the kings of Scotland, from the days of
Malcolm III. to the days of Alexander III., accepted
the vague supremacy of the kings of England, only
quarrelling with them occasionally on subsidiary
matters. They always did homage to the kings of
England ; but as from the time of David till the war
of independence they always held lands in England, it
is difficult to prove that this homage was rendered for
anything else than their English estates. They cer-
tainly performed no feudal services for their Keltic

44 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

dominions. It was not, however, wholly forgotten
that they owed homage for Lothian. They were
attracted by the brilliancy of the English court, and
were willing to shine there as subordinate stars.

Battle of the Standard, 1138. — David I., being
brother of Matilda, Henry I.'s wife, was uncle to the
Empress Matilda, and had sworn adherence to her
along with the other great barons of England. It was
natural that he should take her side in her quarrel
with Stephen, natural also that he should see in this
struggle an opportunity for recovering the lost conquest
of Malcolm Canmore in Cumberland, and asserting
his own claim, in right of his wife, to the earldom of
Northumberland. He was satisfied at first with the
cession of Cumberland, which Stephen granted to his
son Henry ; but the jealousy with which the Anglo-
Norman barons looked upon this grant led to a breach
between the two kings, and to the celebrated Battle of
the Standard. The army which David led towards
North Allerton on this occasion was a motley host, in
which the English of Lothian were joined with the
Scots from beyond the Scots' Water, the wild Picts
from Galloway, and Norsemen from the Orkneys, in
fighting against the native militia of Yorkshire, with
some Norman and Flemish troops, under the Norman
baron William of Albemarle. The banner under
which the Scotch army fought was the ancient Dragon
of Wessex, the flag of David's mother's house, much
dearer to him than any ensign of the tribes of Fergus.
The speech which is attributed by a chronicler to
Eobert Bruce, the ancestor of that famous house, one
of the Norman leaders on the English side, shows how
the relations between England and Scotland were

THE CONSOLIDATION OF SCOTLAND. 45

understood at that time. The Scotch king is up-
braided wdth fighting against Normans and Englishmen,
liis best friends, on whose counsel and help he had
always relied. He is reminded that his brothers,
Edgar and Duncan, recovered their thrones by English
arms, and that the same help had sustained him against
a recent Gaelic rebellion. It is a new thing to see
him putting his trust in Scots and Galwegians, and
coming to fight against those by whose help he has
hitherto been a popular ruler over the Scots and a
terrible one over the Galwegians.

England loses and recovers the Four Northern
Counties. — The Battle of the Standard was won by the
English, but the advantages of the war fell to King
David, as Northumberland and Durham were now
formally ceded to his son Henry, who held them
during the rest of Stephen's reign, just as Cumberland
and Westmoreland were held by his father. On this
very account they enjoyed greater peace than their
sister counties, which were suffering all the agonies of
civil war and baronial tyranny. Henry, the son of
Matilda, received knighthood from his uncle David at
Carlisle, having first given pledges that he woidd never
disturb David's heirs in possession of the northern
shires.

Henry II. of England, however, Avas not the man to
rest content with any diminution of the kingdom
which he had inherited from his grandfather. After
his accession, as soon as he had finished the work of
restoring order and law in England, he turned his
attention to the Scotch frontier. The successor of
David, Malcolm IV., who was only a boy, was com-
pelled to cede the four northern counties to the English,

46 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

receiving in exchange the earldom of Huntingdon, the
inheritance of his grandmother, Waltheof's daughter
(1157). Malcohu became a baron of Henry's court,
and followed his cousin in his wars on the Continent.

Treaty of Falaise, 1174. — The harmony between the
English and Scotch crowns was uninterrupted till the
rebellion of the younger Henry, a rebellion which was
truly a rebellion of the Norman baronage against the
authority of the king, and in which the king of Scots,
"William the Lion (brother of Malcolm), joined, in the
hope of winning back Northumberland for Scotland.
It was at the most critical moment of this rebellion
that William entered Northumberland, and Avas joined
by the Bishop of Durham. But again, as at the Battle
of the Standard, the native English militia rallied
against the invader, Ranulf Glanville and the forces
of Yorkshire surprised William the Lion at Alnwick,
and brought him prisoner to Henry at Falaise. The
consequence of this catastrophe was, that for the first
time the relations between the English and Scotch
crowns were defined by treaty. William only obtained
his liberty by doing homage expressly for his kingdom
of Scotland, by surrendering his strongest castles into
the hands of Henry, and l)y causing his bishops and
barons to take the oath of fealty to the English king.

No such complete feudal submission of Scotland
had ever been known before, but it was of short
duration. Richard I., in order to raise money for the
third crusade, renounced the treaty of Falaise for the
sum of 10,000 marks. He made an absolute renun-
ciation of all claims of homage for the kingdom of
Scotland (1189).

The reign of William the Lion was chiefly occupied

THE CONSOLIDATION OF SCOTLAND. 47

■with the struggle to bring the Keltic and Norwegian
provinces of Scotland under the immediate dominion
of his crown. The fulcrum of his power lay in
Lothian and Strathclyde ; but even in southern Scot-
land he had to contend with the Keltic element, in the
Pictish principality of Galloway. One of the first
consequences of his captivity was, that Galloway threw
oflf the rule of Scotland, and transferred its allegiance
to the king of England. But the successors of Henry II.
did not thmk Galloway worth fighting about, and the
marriage of the lord of Galloway to the niece of
William the Lion, the marriage from which John
Balliol descended, decided the incorporation of Gallo-
Avay with Scotland.

Scotland's share in the Magna Charta Struggle. —
William the Lion atiempted to buy the county of
Northumberland from Kichard I., but gave up the
negotiation because Kichard Avould not surrender the
castles. John quarrelled with William because the
Scotch had opposed the building of an English castle at
Tweedmouth. WilHam, who was old and feeble, was
obliged to submit to a treaty, by which he paid a large
sum as a security for peace, and gave hostages to the
king of England, to whom also he entrusted his daugh-
ters to be given in marriage (1208). In the troubles
of John's reign the English barons obtamed the alliance
of the young king of Scots, Alexander II., by a pro-
mise of the northern counties. When war broke out
between the king and the barons, after the signing of
Magna Charta, Alexander II. crossed the frontier, and
laid siege to Norham. He received the homage of the
Northumbrian nobles ; and when the news came that
John was marchmg northwards, all the insurgent

48 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

nobles of Yorkshire followed Alexander as he Avithdrew
into Scotland, and swore fealty to him at Melrose.
John advanced by York, Newcastle, and Berwick,
marking his way by rapine and slaughter (1216).
The castles of Northumberland surrendered, and
neither the Scotch nor their allies dared to show them-
selves in open field. The troops of John plundered
and burnt all over the country between BerAvick and
Edinburgh, and having thus, as he expressed it,
"stirred up the young red fox in his lair," John re-
turned victorious into England, setting fire with his
own hands to the house in which he had lodged at
Berwick. No sooner had he retired to the South than
Alexander avenged his inroad by an equally merciless
raid through Northumberland, Richmond, and West-
moreland.

While Jolm was occupied in the South by the in-
vasion of Louis of France, Alexander again advanced
into England and took Carlisle. From Carlisle he
marched southwards through England with his whole
army, and joined Louis at Dover. He did homage to
Louis " for the right which he ought to hold of the
king of the English." It was in merching northwards
to cut off the return of the king of Scots that John
met with his death.

After the battle of Lincoln, and the departure of
the French from England, the king of Scots still held
out in Carlisle until the papal legate, Gualo, laid Scot-
land under an interdict. Alexander then submitted,
and did homage to the young king Henry III. The
peace was cemented by a marriage between Alexander
and Joanna, sister of Henry. A joint commission
of Scotch and English was appointed to trace the

THE CONSOLIDATION OF SCOTLAND. 49

liivandaiy between England and Scotland. The com-
missioners cotild not agree, but the line traced by the
English Avas the same as that followed now by the
Ordnance Survey.

Final Settlement of the Scotch Frontier, 1237. — It
is in the reigoi of Alexander 11. that we first hear of
any direct assertions by the kings of Scotland of the
independence of their kingdom — assertions which must
have been called forth by attempts to claim their
hi image as due for Scotland, or for Lothian. These
claims appear to have been instigated by Peter des
Eoches, and the Pope was induced to write a letter to
Alexander in support of them. Alexander met this
demand by a counter claim on the county of North-
umberland, which he declared had been promised to
him by John as the marriage portion of his daughter
Joanna, and for which he could produce a charter.
The question was peacefully settled by a treaty at
York. Alexander renounced all the claims which
he and his ancestors had made on the three northern
counties, and received in compensation certain estates
in Cumberland and Northumberland.

Preludes of the coming Struggle. — After the death of
Joanna, sister of Henry III., Alexander married a
daughter of the proud house of De Coucy, who were
among the most prominent of Henry's enemies in
France. The friendship between Henry and Alexander
cooled verj'- much after this marriage, and Alexander
sent the English king a defiant message, declaring that
he did not hold the least particle of the kingdom of
Scotland from him. Henry gathered a powerful army,
and summoned the whole nobility of England to meet
him at Newcastle. Alexander on his side gathered

50 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

his best forces; and we are told by the chronicler
that they were careless of death, seeing that they were
about to fight in a just cause on behalf of their
country. The personal popularity of Alexander II.
among the English nobles appears to have contributed
to the bloodless settlement which was made at New-
castle. Alexander signed a treaty of peace with Henry,
in which, though no mention is made of homage, he
speaks of Henry as his liege lord.

"We can scarcely help seeing in this incident a pre-
lude to the struggle for national independence which
was to take place before the close of the century.
When, after the death of Alexander II., the child
Alexander III. was crowned at Scone, a venerable
Highlander appeared on the scene, and recited in
Gaelic the pedigree of the young king, tracing it back
to those fabulous heroes whom the Scotch had first
heard of from Geoffrey of Monmouth. This pic-
turesque circumstance was probably not without
significance. A spirit of national independence was
growing up in Scotland ; an intellectual basis for this
feeling was desired, and was easily found in reviving
the fact of the Keltic descent of the Scotch dynasty,
and in adopting the legends which made the monarchy
of Scotland older than that of England. It had the
double object of conciliating the Kelts and defying
the English; and it was the first sentence of that
chapter of mystification which has obscured the whole
of Scotch history.

Wlien the Avedding of the boy Alexander III. with
Margaret, daughter of Henry III., was celebrated at
York, Alexander did homage to Henry " for Lothian,
and for the rest of his lands in England" (1251).

i

THE CONSOLIDATION OF SCOTLAND. 51

But when he was asked to do homage for the kingdom
of Scotland also, he declined, on the plea that he had
not held counsel with his nobles on this difficult
^uliject ; and Henry was unwilling to press an un-
[Jeasant request at such a time of rejoicing. Nor
does he appear ever to have pressed his claim. The
youth of Alexander III. was passed amid the stormy
intrigues of the great barons, in which Henry once
interfered to support his son-in-law. Soon after this
Henry fell into the great contest with his own people,
which completely tied his hands from any action in
Scotland. Alexander and his queen were frequent
visitors at Henry's court; and after the birth of
^largaret, the heiress of Scotland, at Windsor, Henry
had to quieten the jealousy of the Scotch by a
promise that the mother and daughter should be sent
back to Scotland as speedily as possible.

The relations between England and Scotland were
peaceable during the whole of Alexander's reign. The
great event of that reign in Scotland was the struggle
with Norway. Hakon, king of Norway, was defeated
by the Scotch at the battle of Largs (1263), and Man
and the Hebrides Avere surrendered to Scotland by
Norway. Margaret, daughter of Alexander, was
given in marriage to Eric, son of Hakon.

CHAPTER V.
THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE.

Death of the Maid of Norway. — When Alexander
III. died, his only heir was his granddaughter, the
Maid of Norway, a little child of three, the offspring
of his daughter Margaret and Eric, king of Norway.
The great statesman who now sat on the English
throne, Edward I., sought to avail himself of the
splendid opportunity which thus offered itself of
uniting the Crowns of England and Scotland. He
proposed a treaty of marriage between his son Edward
Prince of Wales and the Maid of Norway. The
Estates of Scotland willingly assented, and the treaty
was signed at Brigham, all the rights and laws of
Scotland being fully reserved (1290). But only two
months later the bright prospect which now opened for
the two countries was clouded over by the death of the
child-queen on her way from Norway to Scotland.

Edward I. was probably the first king of England
since the Norman Conquest who discerned that
England, and not his foreign dominions, was the true
seat of his greatness, and that the greatness of
England could not be complete until the whole island
was united under one sway. He had successfully
incorporated Wales with England, and it was his

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 53

ambition to incorporate Scotland also. It is
absurd to see nothing but ambition in this wise and
statesmanlike project ; it is still more absurd to
suppose that the struggle between England and
Scotland was the struggle between two different races.
The Scotch of Lothian were English, and knew that
they were English. Their language was still called
English, and their country was not yet called Scotland;
The struggle was really a struggle between the dis-
membered but unsubdued kingdom of Ida and the
Normanized kingdom of Cerdic. If we need proof
of this we can have no stronger proof than that
Edward's allies in the contest with Robert Bruce
were the Keltic populations of Scotland, the Picts of
Galloway, the Gael of Argyle and Ross. It was no
national animosity which made the Lowland Scotch
repel the rule of the English ; it was simply that
feeling of independence, strong in every English
breast, impelling men to throw off any authority
which attempts to impose itself upon them against
their own will. Out of the struggle a factitious
national hatred sprang up, as factitious as a hatred
between Yorkshire and Lincolnshire would have been
if Yorkshire had been annexed to Scotland.

Edward is asked to Arbitrate in Scotland. — After
the death of the Maid of Norway Edward was
invited by the Scotch to arbitrate between the
candidates for the Crown. He summoned a Parlia-
ment of the Scotch Estates at Norham, and following
the same principle M'hich guided him in England he
invited the Commons as well as the earls and barons.
This seems to have been the first time that the Com-
mons appeared among the Estates of Scotland (1291).

54 ■ ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

He asked of this assembly that as a neces.sary pre-
liminary of the justice which he desired to do, they
would acknowledge his right as overlord. It is evident
that the supremacy of England in this definite form
was not acknowledged as a matter of course by
Scotland, as the assembly asked time to consult with
the other notables, and the community of Scotland.
After this delay the prelates and nobles had no
objection to make to the claim of Edward ; but the
Commons gave a written answer, about which we are
only told that it contained "nothing efficacious"
against the king's overlordship.

Only two of the ten competitors had claims of any
importance — John Balliol, a nobleman who had large
estates both in France, in England, and in Galloway,
and was descended from the elder daughter of David,
Earl of Huntingdon, grandson of David I. ; and
Robert Bruce, Lord of Annandale, younger son of a
Korman family who were very powerful in the north
of England, and who claimed the Crown in right of
his grandmother, the second daughter of Earl David.
The competitors having all submitted their claims to
Edward's decision, he appointed eighty arbiters, fifty
Scotch and thirty English, to decide between Bruce
and BaUiol ; they decided in favour of BaUiol. Then
when all the other claimants had been heard, Edward
finally pronounced for Balliol. Some of the claimants
wished to divide the kingdom, but Edward was too
honourable to consent to this, which would have been
greatly to his interest.

Breach heiween Edward and, Balliol, 1292. — John
BaUiol was forthwith crowned king of Scotland at
Scone, and did homage to Edward for his kingdom.

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 55

The acknowledgment of supremacy which Edward
tlius obtained was not intended to be a mere form ;
he soon tried to make it a reality by assuming a right
of appeal from the kmg of Scotland's court to his own
as Lord Superior. But though Balliol had expressly
acknowledged this right at his coronation, no king of
England had ever exercised it in Scotland, and
Balliol could not have submitted to it without losing
his own authority. As he refused to plead in Edward's
court he was found guilty of contempt, and it was
ordered that the three chief strongholds of Scotland
should be seized into the hands of the king of
England, until the subject prince should do satisfac-
tion to his lord. John humbly petitioned for a delay
in which he might consult his Parliament, and it was
granted. It was exactly at this crisis that a quarrel
broke out between Edward and the king of France,
who was his own Lord Superior for his dominions in
Gascony. Edward had to prepare for an expedition
against France, not without a struggle with his own
subjects. The moment was opportune for Scotland.
A national party sprang up, under the leadership of
John Comyn, Earl of Buchan, which put King John
in tutelage. A parliament was held at Scone, which
sent away all Englishmen who were in Balliol's
employ, and chose a council to control him in carrying
on the government. A league was made between
Jolm and Philip IV. of France, the first beginning of
that long alliance between Scotland and France which
so often thwarted England. The Scotch nobles
refused to follow Edward in his war against France,
and Balliol obtained a remission from the Pope of his
oath of homage to Edward.

56 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

First Conquest of Scotland, 1296. — Driven to choose
between Gascony and Scotland, Edward made a
statesman's choice. He gathered an army at New-
castle, and it was with a sense of relief that he heard
that the Scotch had been the first to break the peace,
and had thus afforded him a legal excuse for beginning
a regular conquest of the country. The Scots entered
Cumberland, and after barbarously ravaging it, laid
siege to Carlisle. Edward left the brave citizens of
Carlisle to defend themselves, and marched to the
siege of Berwick. He appears to have meant to make
Berwick an example which should strike terror into
the rest of Scotland, for the taking of the city was
followed by a frightful massacre of the citizens. The
Scotch army, repulsed by the gallant defence of
Carlisle, passed over into Northumberland. They are
accused of having burnt 200 boys alive in a grammar-
school at Corbridge. Hexham, in ancient times one
of the greatest religious centres of Northumbria, was
given to the flames. The Scotch then retreated into
Lothian, and were utterly defeated by the Earl of
Warenne at Dunbar, a victory which decided the fate
of Scotland for the time. Balliol saw that resistance
was hopeless, and made his submission to Edward
with all the formality of abjectness which the violation
of feudal obedience to a superior could require,
Edward advanced through the northern Lowlands as
far as Elgin, in Moray, receiving everyM'here the
submission of the nobles, who renounced the alliance
with France. Further he did not need to go, for the
Keltic chieftains had been his allies from the first.

Except at Berwick, Edward was everywhere merciful
to the conquered. To the clergy and to the widows of

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 57

those who had been iiuplieated in what he regarded
as a rebelHon he gave back their confiscated property.
King John was allowed after a few years of easy
captivity in England to withdraw to his estates in
France. The only change that was made in the
L^overnment of Scotland was the appointment of an
English regent, treasurer, and justiciar. But the
symbol of rule in Scotland — the old grey boulder at
Scone, on which the Scottish kings from time im-
memorial had been crowned — was carried away to
Westminster, where it still remains.

Revolt of Wallace (1297). — But a stronger govern-
ment brought with it a stricter taxation and a more
rigorous execution of justice, both of which were
equally odious to the Scotch. So was Edward's
attempt to Anglicize the Scotch Church by introducing
English monks and clergy into its abbeys and benefices.
While the English regent AVas absent in England for
his health, the dislike of the Scotch to English rule
found a champion in William Wallace, the younger
son of a Renfrewshire knight. He was supported
from the first by the common people, and the move-
ment spread gradually upward, though it was never
warmly supported by the higher nobility ; in fact the
greatness of the insurrection of Wallace lies in the
fact that it was the action of the people. When the
nobles of Scotland, Norman by race and affinities,
were willing to submit to the rule of the French-
speaking king of England, the people of the Scotch
lowlands, English in race and character, determined to
be independent. It is not surprising that in a movement
which thus arose out of the common people, numbers
of those who flocked round Wallace were lawless

S8 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

men, whose acts of violence he was unahle to restrain,
and that great barbarities were committed on his side.
The first great success of Wallace, the expulsion of
the English justiciar from Scone, was stained by a
barbarous revenge on all the English whom the
patriots could lay their hands on. Men and women
were all slain or hunted away; monks had their
hands tied behind their backs and were forced to
spring into the river.

Edward was just about to start for Flanders when
he first heard of Wallace's insurrection. He does not
seem to have understood at first the greatness of the
danger. The large army which advanced into Scotland
in August under the leadership of Earl Warenne was
perfectly confident in its ability to suppress the
insurrection at once. But the genius of Wallace was
even greater in the field than in council. He is
often credited with having discovered the value of
infantry in war. But in truth, fighting on foot was
the old English method of warfare, which probably
held its ground in Lothian when in England the
heavily-armoured cavalry had come to be considered
the most formidable of weapons. The armies met at
Cambuskenneth, where Wallace had chosen his
position with admirable skill. Some attempts at
negotiation were made by the English commanders,
but Wallace boldly answered them, "We have not
come here for peace, but to fight ; to avenge ourselves,
and to set our country free." The utter incompetence
of the English generals led to the total defeat of the
English force (1297). Cressingham, the treasurer, was
slain, and his skin made into a swordbelt for Wallace.
The rout was so utter that Wallace had now no more

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 59

resistance to contend with in Lothian, so he crossed
the iDorder and harried the northern counties of
England. He everywhere acted in the name of the
dethroned King Jolin, calling himself only the Guardian
of Scotland.

Seccmd Conquest of Scotland, 1298-1303.— The
next year Edward himself led into Scotland the
largest army he had ever gathered. Wallace avoided
a battle as long as possible, but at last he was com-
jielled to fight near Falkirk. In spite of his admirable
tactics, his stout infantry was not a match for the
English archers, who were already beginning to earn
their fame ; and when Wallace was attacked in his
rear by a body of English led by Kobert Bruce (son of
the claimant), the fate of the day was decided. Find-
ing resistance hopeless any longer, he fled to the king
of France, and it is not improbable that he went to
Rome also. It was doubtless owing to the influence of
Wallace and Philip that Boniface VIII. issued a BuU
claiming Scotland as a fief of Rome, and forbidding
Edward to interfere in Scotland. This assumption
Edward and his barons joined to repel.

But, in spite of Edward's victory at Falkirk, the
second conquest of Scotland was far more difficult
than the first, and cost him five campaigns instead of
one. His hands were tied by the constitutional
struggle in which he was involved with his own people,
a quarrel which was not finally settled until 1301 ;
nor was his dispute with France ended, even after the
conclusion of the peace of Chartres, till 1303.*

He was then able to turn his full strength against

* He detached France from the Scotch alliance by marrying
Margaret of France.

6o ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Scotland. A regency, composed of the younger Bruce
(grandson of the claimant) and the younger Comyn,
was still carrying on a precarious government in the
name of King John. Wallace appeared again in Scot-
land, and even inflicted a signal defeat at Eoslin on the
English commander, Sir John Segrave. But it was his
last success. When Edward entered Scotland, the
exhausted country was not able to make any important
resistance. Edward marched almost unhindered from
the Tweed to Kinloss in Moray — that is, to the
boundary of the English-speaking population — and on
his return received the submission of the Scotch
nobility at Strathorde. Again he acted with mercy.
He exacted no penalties but fines of not unreasonable
amount, and allowed the nobles to keep their lands.
The case of Wallace was the single exception to his
rule of clemency. As he refused to surrender at
discretion, he put himself, according to Edward's
punctilious ideas, out of law, and justified the use
against him of the utmost legal rigour. It need not
surprise us that Edward could see nothing but a law-
less rebel in the man who had so nearly succeeded in
baulking his great design for the unity of Britain.
Wallace, when captured, was tried in due form for
treason, and executed with the usual barbarous
punishment for that offence.

Edward drew up a wise and statesmanlike scheme
for the government of Scotland. He aimed at reform-
ing the judicature, at developing parliamentary repre-
sentation, at protecting the rights of the poor. While
he united the Scotch and English parliaments by
summoning the Scotch members to Westminster, he
made it a point that the conquered nation should be

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 6i

consulted both about reforms and about administration.
There can be no doubt that his government would have
been altogether salutary for Scotland if the primary
condition of winning the national consent had been
oliserved. But the Bernician Angles were not the
people to bear a government imposed upon them against
their will.

Revolt of Bruce, 1306. — The two men who had
carried on the regency of Scotland while Wallace had
commanded its army were the men who, next to
llalliol, possessed the best claim to the Scotch Crown.
The Red Comyn of Badenoch was nephew of Balliol.
Robert Bruce was the grandson to the first claimant to
the Crown. After much wavering he had thrown
himself on the side of Wallace, declaring that he could
not forswear his own flesh and blood. He submitted
to Edward at Strathorde, and was allowed to enter into
the inheritance of his father. But he had by no
means given up his personal designs on the kingdom.
He tried to draw Comyn into his plans ; but Comyn
refused, and betrayed him to Edward. Bruce was
thus forced to hasty action. The murder of Comyn in
the church of the Greyfriars at Dumfries, which rid
him of his only strong rival, stained the beginnmg of
his great enterprize. The English justices were driven
from Dumfries, and Bruce took possession of the town.
Before two months were over the rebellion had become
general. Bruce being himself a noble, with a clear
title to the Crown, secured a warmer support from the
nobles than Wallace had been able to draw. Bruce
saw that his surest step to success was to become a
crowned king ; and in March the Countess of Buchan,
sister of the Earl of Fife, claimed the ancestral privi-

-"6i ,, ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

lege of her family, and placed the crown of Scotland
on Bruce's head in the abbey church of Scone.

The rebellion of Scotland touched the pride of
England to the quick, and Edward, who Avas already
failing in health, strained every nerve to prepare for
a new conquest. He knighted his son Edward and
240 young gentlemen with great pomp at Westminster,
and at the banquet Avhich followed he vowed by the
swans which Avere brought to table that he Avould take
vengeance for the contempt of God and His Church,
which Bruce had shoAvn in the murder of Comyn.
His son and the other young knights made similar
vows.

While Bruce Avas harroAving Galloway, whose Keltic
inhabitants remained faithful to EdAvard, the army of
Aymer de Valence, whom EdAvard had appointed regent
of Scotland, advanced to Perth. Bruce hastened to
oppose it, and Avas utterly defeated in the battle of
Methven, 1306. He was unable to keep up resistance
any longer, but became a fugitive for his life, pursued
by the Highlanders even with bloodhounds. After
many adventures and hairbreadth escapes, which have
furnished Scotland Avith a fund of romantic literature,
he fled to the north of Ireland. His principal sup-
porters Avere taken prisoners one by one, and numbers
of them suffered the cruel death of traitors, among
them three of his brothers. The Countess of Buchan
Avas placed in a Avooden cage on the Avails of Berwick.

But in the autumn of the same year Bruce appeared
again in Carrick, and met Avith some success. He was
then again defeated by the English, and had to hide in
the moors and marshes. EdAvard, Avho had passed a
sick and suffering Avinter in the Abbey of Lanercost,

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 63

"was advancing towards Scotland by easy stages in the
summer, when he died at Burgh-on-Sands (1307). One
of his last acts was to rebuke his son for the cruelties
he had inflicted on the country-folk of Scotland.

Battle of Bannockhurn^ 1314. — When the weak and
pleasure-loving Edward II. came to the throne, the
■\ ows for the conquest of Scotland which he had sworn
so solemnly were soon forgotten. Bruce was allowed
to establish himself firmly, and to gain possession of
]nost of the strongholds which still remained in the
hands of the English^ A truce was made in 1309, at
the instigation of Philip IV. of France, Edward's
father-in-law. The Scotch were accused of violating
this truce, and Edward undertook two fruitless cam-
paigns in Scotland. In the discord into which he fell
soon afterwards with his own nobiHty about Piers
Gaveston, the English Border was left an easy prey to
the Scotch, and Bruce exacted a yearly tribute from the
northern counties. Edward was powerless to raise
forces to repress these raids ; it was only when he had
made peace with his nobles, after the execution of
Gaveston, that he was able to lead an army into Scot-
land, intended to relieve Stirling, the last stronghold
of any importance which the English still held. It
was on this army, immense in numbers, but poor in
leaders, and weak in its self-confidence, that Bruce
inflicted the memorable defeat of Bannockburn, the
great battle which secured the independence of Scot-
land.

Never was the humiliation of England more com-
plete than when the king of England was hurrying
from the bloody field of Bannockburn, scarcely draw-
ing rein till he reached Dunbar. The nine years

64 ENGLAXD AND SCOTLAND.

which followed the battle were years of misery such
as England had not known since Stephen's reign.
The Scotch invaded the northern counties, and exacted
black mail as far as the Humber. The whole north of
England became such a waste that the taxes could not
be collected there at all. While the Scotch scornfully
rejected the feeble efforts of the Pope to bring about
a peace, and were utterly heedless of his excommuni-
cations, they showed their resolution by entering into
the lists with England in Ireland. The Irish crown
was offered to Robert Bruce, and accepted for his
brother Edward ; and though three years of devastating
warfare in Ireland resulted only in the death of
Edward Bruce and the extinction of his party, it
showed another weak point in England's armour. In
1318 Bruce took Berwick, the last remaining token of
Edward I.'s conquest. In vain did Edward II. march
with a large army to recover it. While he was laying
siege to the town the Scotch harried Yorkshire, and
defeated a hasty levy of the forces of the shire in a
bloody encounter known as the Chapter of Mitton,
from the number of Churchmen who perished there.
Out of the panic with which the whole north of
England was smitten a new danger was seen emerging —
that the northern counties would make common cause
with the Scotch, their own king being unable to defend
them. Many Englishmen were suspected of secretly
aiding the Scotch, among them Thomas, Earl of
Lancaster, whose great power in the North already
threatened that of the king. His treason became
known, and Edward was able to deal him the only
successful blow which he ever struck (1322).

Encouraged by this triumph, Edward led a large

THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 65

army into Scotland ; but the expedition ended in
failure and retreat, and Edward narrowly escaped being
made prisoner by Bruce in Byland Abbey. And
though. Lancaster had been executed at Pontefract,
the same danger of dismemberment still threatened
England. Barclay, Earl of Carlisle, hitherto one of
Edward's most faithful servants, was found to be
carrying on secret negotiations with the Scotch. Other
nobles of position were suspected of the same crime.
Robert Bruce openly revived the old claim of the
Scottish kings upon the northern counties, audaciously
extending it to the Humber. At last the English
government was obliged to acknowledge its defeat.
Hitherto, all Bruce's demands to be recognized as king
of Scotland had been meet with an impotent refusal ;
they now received a sulky acquiescence. A truce was
made for thirteen years, and in the Scotch copy of the
deed Bruce was allowed to call himself king of Scotland
(1323). Pope John XXII., who had already been
moved to sympathy with Scotland by an earnest and
manly protest addressed to him by the Scotch, released
Bruce from excommunication, and recognized him as
king of Scotland. Bruce took care to secure himself
soon afterwards by an alliance with France.

Treaty of Northamptoji, 1328. — There was now
peace between England and Scotland until the bloody
revolution, in which Edward's guilty queen deprived
him of his crown and life. At the accession of
Edward III. the English government desired to
renew the truce with the Scotch ; but the Scotch raised
their demands, and prepared to support them by an
invasion of England. Edward III.'s first experience
of warfare was an inglorious campaign on the Scotch

F

66 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Border. Tliis humiliating expedition was soon followed
by a peace which the English nation regarded as
equally humiliating. It was the crowning of the
long labours of Eobert Bruce that at last, in the
treaty of Northampton, the English king acknow-
ledged the full rights of " Robert, by the grace of
God, King of Scotland," and made the penitential
confession, " Since we and our ancestors, with the
design of conquering Scotland, have plunged both
kingdoms in war and misery, it is our will to bring
them back to the blessings of peace, as they existed
in the time of Alexander III." The peace was
cemented by the marriage of the king's sister, Joanna,
with David, son of Bruce. This treaty sealed the
fall of Queen Isabella and Mortimer. It contained
an ominous reservation of the French alliance with
Scotland.

CHAPTER VI.

FROM THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON TO
THE ACCESSION OF THE TUDORS.

The relations between England and Scotland from the
treaty of Northampton till the reign of Elizabeth may
be briefly summed up. The two countries were bad
neighbours for 230 years. When not actually at war
they were plotting against one another, and their
international hatred kept increasing in violence.

Edward III. sup^wrts Edward BaUiol in Scotland. —
When a powerful kingdom makes a treaty with a
weaker neighbour which is humiliating to its pride,
some pretext is sure to be found for breaking its
engagements. One of the conditions of the treaty
of Northampton had been that three English nobles —
Percy, Wake, and Beaumont — should have their Scotch
estates restored to them. This condition was only ful-
filled in the case of Percy, and Wake and Beaumont
did not cease to instigate Edward III. to break the
peace, as its conditions had not been fulfilled by the
Scotch. Edward was unwilling openly to injure his
sister Joanna, whose boy-husband, David II., had
now become kmg of Scotland on the death of his
father Robert Bruce (1331) ; but he secretly en-
couraged an attempt which was made by Edward,

68 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

son of John Balliol, to recover the crown which his
father had held with so little credit. The attempt
was for a time successful. Edward Balliol landed at
Kinghorn, and defeated and slew the Eegent Mar at
the battle of Duplin Moor (1332). Balliol was
cro'vvned at Scone ; but he was suddenly driven out of
Scotland the same year by the young Earl of Moray.
As the Scotch looked upon Edward III, as the sup-
porter of Balliol, they were not slow to harry the
English border during the winter. Edward now
openly accused them of breaking the treaty, and
marched against Scotland. At Halidon Hill he won
a victory which did something to wipe away the
disgrace of Bannockburn (1333). The flower of the
Scotch nobility perished ; but the only lasting result
of the war was the capture of Berwick, which from
this time became the property of England. It was
more than once retaken by the Scotch ; but it never
afterwards remained long in their hands. Berwick
and the Isle of Man were the only lasting gain which
England kept in return for all the bloodshed of the
Scotch wars.

Edward annexes Lothian. — But after the battle of
Halidon Hill the fortunes of Scotland were very low
for many years. The whole of the district which had
been called Lothian in ancient times — that is, the
eastern half of the country south of the Firths — was
incorporated with England for a time, and was only
recovered by Scotland after a struggle of nine years.
David and his wife took refuge at the court of
Philip VI. of France.

But Edward never threw his whole heart into the
conquest of Scotland. "When Philip's determined

THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. 69

aggressiveness obliged him to choose, as his grand-
father had to choose, between Scotland and Aquitaine,
he gave up Scotland that he might keep his French
dominions ; and he hoped to keep them by making
himself master of France itself. This ambitious
dream, which owing to the imperfect development of
French nationality at that day had some encourage-
ment from circumstances, while it led England on
a false scent for a hundred years, secured the inde-
pendence of Scotland.

David II. taken Prisoner, 1346. — It speaks much
for the energy of Edward III., and the vigour of his
government, that, in spite of his absorbtion in the
French war, he was able to baulk all the efforts of the
Scotch to effect any serious diversion in favour of
their French ally. Wlien David II. was stirred up by
Philip to an invasion of England, in the very year of
the battle of Crecy, he was defeated and taken
prisoner at Nevil's Cross. The royal prisoner, a weak
and pleasure-loving character, was easily brought to
do homage to the king of England for his kingdom of
Scotland. But the Scotch indignantly repudiated the
submission of their king ; and the Douglas family,
whose services to the national cause had already won
them immense popularity in Scotland, set themselves
steadfastly to resist the attempts of the king of
England to win supporters to his pretensions. French
help was sent to Scotland ; an alliance was entered
into with the Irish, who had already broken into
rebellion ; and in a fortunate moment Berwick was
seized. Edward, who was at Calais, hastened to
Scotland, and quickly recovered Berwick ; and having
obtained from Edward Balliol a renunciation of his

70 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

unavailing rights, he had himself crowned king of
Scotland at Bamborough, the royal seat of Ida
(1355).

Edward reconquers Lothian. — It Avould seem that
on this expedition Edward actually reconquered a
great part of Lothian, which even in the year 1367 is
found "in the king of England's peace." Roxburgh
Castle continued in English hands till 1460. A great
opportunity now offered itself for the conquest of
Scotland. But the old policy of keeping out of sight
of the invader, and starving him out, which had
baulked so many English invasions, was again success-
fully tried by the Scotch ; and Edward was eager to
return to fields where glory was more easily won.

Decline of English Fortune. — The splendid victory
of Poitiers, won by the Black Prince, quenched any
hope entertained by the Scotch of further help from
France (1357). They became more ready to enter
into negotiations for the release of their king. David
was set at liberty for a ransom of 100,000 marks, and
a truce of ten years with Scotland set Edward free to
pursue the French war without fear of distraction.
But Scotland also had nothing more to fear from
Edward III., even though secret negotiations were
carried on for some time between him and David for
the succession of an English prince to the throne of
the childless king. From the time of the Peace of
Bretigny (1360) the power of the English in France
began to melt away. During the disastrous years
which closed the reign of Edward III., and during the
troubled reign of Richard II., there was no great
change in the relations of England and Scotland. The
dynasty of the Stuarts, in the person of Robert, the

THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. ^l

High Steward of Scotland, son of a daughter of Kobert
Bruce, ascended the Scotch throne on the death of
David II. (1370). As the English government
refused Eobert II. the title of king, the attitude of
the two countries continued hostile, and raids were
renewed from time to time. Berwick was twice taken
by the Scotch, and retaken by the Percies, who became
the heroes of the defence of the English border. But
the Scotch were gradually recovering the territory stiU
held by the English within their frontier. The league
between France and Scotland was renewed (1385),
and a joint invasion of England by Scotch and French
troops excited the young King Eichard to a counter
invasion of Scotland with a powerful army, another
liootless pursuit of an enemy whose policy was to
• lude battle. The rashness of Henry Percy (called
Hotspur by the Scotch), who attacked at midnight a
strongly-entrenched camp of invading Scotch at Otter-
burn, led to that memorable defeat of 8000 English
by 3000 Scotch, which has been immortalized in the
ballad of Chevy Chase (1388). England concluded a
truce for three years with France and Scotland
in 1389.

Henry IV. seizes James I. of Scotland. — This truce
was prolonged tiU the accession of the Lancastrian
dynasty. When it expired the Scotch made a raid across
the Tweed, and overthrew Wark Castle (1400).
Henry IV. marched into Scotland to enforce satisfaction
for this inroad, but, misled by the defection of the Earl
of March into supposing that he should find a large
party in Scotland in his favour, he made the mistake
of renewing the old claims of the English Crown to
the homage of the Scotch kings. He advanced as far

72 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

as Leith, but had to return without fighting, and earned
no other distinction than one which counted little in
those days, that he had humanely protected the
peasants from the horrors of war. The wretched
Border warfare, which had caused such misery to both
Countries for a hundred years, was renewed. But the
Earl of Northumberland, his son Henry Percy, and
the Scotch Earl of March, gave a signal defeat to the
Scotch at Humbledon Hill, a battle in which the chief
nobles of Scotland were either killed or taken prisoners
(1402). This was not the only success of Henry's reign.
The heir to the Crown of Scotland fell into his hands,
being captured by an English ship as he was sailing to
France to be educated (1405). As Robert III. died
the next year, the young prince became James I. of
Scotland. At the English court he received the best
education that the age could give, and his singular
intellectual gifts were developed for future use.

While James I. was a prisoner in England the battle
of Harlaw was fought in Scotland, memorable as a
great victory of the Teuton over the Kelt (1411). The
Lord of the Isles had extended his power over Argyle
and Ross; that is, nearly the whole Keltic part of
Scotland. He was dangerous, not only from this ex-
tension of power, but because he had so frequently
been the ally of England. Henry IV. was accustomed
to deal with him as a separate potentate. It became
necessary therefore for the Lowland Scotch to fight out
the question of supremacy with him. The battle of
Harlaw gave the victory to the Anglian race, and was
long remembered in Scotland as a national deliverance.

The Scotch fight the English in Frmice. — Henry V.
made no effort to use the captivity of James I. to his

h

THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. 73

own advantage. His mind was fixed on tlie conquest
of France, and he tacitly abandoned the claims of the
Plantagenets on Scotland by givmg the captive the
title of king of Scots. During his captivity James's
uncle, the Duke of Albany, governed Scotland. The
relations between the two countries were in the main
peaceable, but the Scotch went on pressing the English
out from the strongholds which they had held ever
since Edward III.'s expedition in 1355. Jedburgh
Castle, Fast Castle, and the town (but not the castle)
of Roxburgh were thus recovered. For many years a
half-witted pretender, Thomas Ward, who claimed to
be King Eichard II., had been maintained by the
government of Scotland ; and shortly after Henry V.'s
expedition into France, he had reason to fear that in-
trigues were going on between France and Scotland to
bring this pretender into England. An ineffectual
attempt was made by the Scotch to seize Roxburgh
Castle and Berwick ; the bootless expedition received the
name of the Fool-raid. The Scotch resentment against
England found an outlet in helping the French to
resist the English invasion. About 7,000 Scotchmen,
under the Earl of Buchan and Lord Stuart of Darnley,
served among the troops of the Dauphin, and it was
through their prowess that the Duke of Clarence was
defeated and slain at Beauge (1421). The Dauphin
highly valued his Scotch troops, and their leaders
were rewarded with estates in France. The Douglas
received the dukedom of Touraine, and the title of
royal lieutenant.

Release of James 7., 1424. — It was to put a stop to
this Scotch assistance to France that the Duke of
Bedford, who succeeded to the conduct of the French

74 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

war on the death of Henry V., caused negotiations to
be entered into for the release of James I. A truce
for seven years was concluded with Scotland, and the
young king returned to his native land after eighteen
years' stay in England, during which time he had been
in constant intercourse with the English royal family,
had accompanied Henry V. to the Continent, and had
finally allied himself to the House of Lancaster by
marrying Jane Beaufort, cousin of the king. But, in
spite of all this, James was unable to resist the attrac-
tion of the French alliance. He betrothed his infant
daughter to the Dauphin's son. Instead of a dowry,
6000 Scotch were sent to France ; and the Scotch king
was invested with the lordships of Saintonge and
Eochefort (1428).

The English government in France was now hasten-
ing to its fall. The Maid of Orleans raised the down-
trodden flag of France (1429), and the day of English
conquest was over. An eager diplomatic contest took
place between the two countries for the Scotch alliance ;
it is even said that the English offered to surrender
Roxburgh and Berwick. But Charles VII. won the
day. The Scotch princess was safely conveyed to
France and espoused to the Dauphin, in spite of the
attempts of the English to intercept her ; and James,
who knew that by the death of the Duke of Bedford
the English had lost their only capable leader, appeared
before Roxburgh and laid siege to the castle without
any declaration of war (1436).

The fall of Roxburgh was only prevented by the
internal discords of Scotland. James I. was one of the
ablest sovereigns that Scotland ever had, and from the
time of his return to his country he had occupied

THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. 75

himself in political and legal reforms. Amongst other
things he had deprived the Lord of the Isles of his
independent sovereignty. In a country where the
Crown had never been able to guarantee its own
authority against the lawlessness of the feudal aristo-
cracy, great reforms could not be carried out without
raising a party against the king ; and it was probably
the news of some conspiracy formed against him which
led James to break up the siege of Eoxburgh as
unexpectedly as he had begun it. A few months later
he was murdered at Perth by some of the discontented
nobles, at the head of a party of Highlanders. He
was succeeded by a child of six years old, during
whose minority Scotland was absorbed in the quarrels
of rival nobles, and peace was made with England, to
last till 1447. When James II. came to manhood he
was fully occupied by a struggle with the house of
Douglas, whose power had grown to such an extent as
to threaten the Crown. He murdered the head of the
Douglases with his own hand (1452), and a civil war
followed. The brother and heir of Douglas was
defeated in the battle of Arkinholme, and took refuge
in England.

Scotland's part in the Wars of the Roses. — The
defeat of the house of Douglas brought a fresh acces-
sion of power to the crown of Scotland. The
thoughts of the victorious king turned to the recovery
of Roxburgh Castle and the town of Berwick. The
opportunity was specially favourable ; for England
was now passing through that bloody valley of humil-
iation which avenged the glories of Henry V.'s con-
quests. Henry's marriage with the daughter of
Charles VI. brought msanity into the royal house of

76 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

England, and plunged the country into the Wars of the
Roses. Energetic measures were taken for increasing
the military strength of Scotland, and especially to
provide her with artillery. But his Lancastrian
descent by his mother was a link which still bound
James II. to the house of Lancaster; and Margaret
of Anjou, the only strong soul who was struggling to
uphold the tottering throne of Henry VI., was ready
to make any sacrifice for the Scotch alliance. It is said
that a treaty was actually signed between the kings of
England and Scotland, in which Henry agreed to make
over the three northern counties to James, as his by
ancient right ! "When Henry and Margaret were
defeated in the battle of Northampton, James set about
enforcing this treaty himself by laying siege to Rox-
burgh Castle. He was killed there by the accidental
bursting of a gun, but the castle was taken by the
Scotch (1460). Nothing now remained to the English
in Scotland but Berwick.

Margaret's sacrifices for the Scotch alliance were the
ruin of the Lancastrian cause. She did not in the
least understand English national feeling, and when
she took refuge with Henry in Scotland, after the dis-
astrous battle of Towton, she had no scruple in
surrendering Berwick to the Scotch, nor even in ofi'ering
them Carlisle. The Scotch troops whom she employed
in her armies were said to plunder and harry worse
than Turks, and she was unable to restrain the lawless-
ness of these and other northern followers. Edward IV.
was received by the country as the restorer of order as
well as the vindicator of the national honour.

Edward IV. treats with the Lard of the Isles. — To
counteract the support which the exiled sovereigns

THE TREATY OF NORTHAMPTON. 77

were receiving in Scotland, Edward, very soon after
liis accession, entered into a secret treaty with that
Highland magnate, the Lord of the Isles and Earl
of Ross, and with the exiled Earl of Douglas, by
which a partition of Scotland was covenanted between
them, the Highland chieftain to be sovereign to the
north, and Douglas to the south, of the Forth, but
Ijoth to be liege men of King Edward. The only
immediate consequence of this was a great Highland
raid ; but thirteen years later, when the secret treaty
came to light, it was made use of to cripple finally the
power of the Keltic potentate. John of the Isles
was summoned before the Scotch Parliament for
treason, and though the government was not strong
enough to execute him, it took from him his earldom
of Ross, which was henceforth vested in the royal
family. (U76.)

Richard, Duke of Gloucester, recovers Berivick,
1482. — Edward IV. succeeded in detaching the
Scotch from the Lancastrian alliance, and made a
truce with them for fifteen years, which was after-
wards extended to fifty-five years. A matrimonial
alliance was projected between the two kingdoms,
Edward's daughter Cecilia being promised to the
eldest son of James III., with a dowry of 20,000
marks, to be paid in instalments, which began from
that date (1474). Thus Edward's policy toward
Scotland appeared to be one of peace ; but he had
not forgotten the surrender of Berwick, nor the old
claims of English supremacy. When James's brother,
the Duke of Albany, had to flee from Scotland in
consequence of a discovered conspiracy, Edward, who
was dissatisfied that the marriage between his daughter

78 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

and James's heir had not yet taken place, entered into
a treaty with him, by which Albany engaged to do
him homage for the crown of Scotland. Richard,
Duke of Gloucester, was sent with an army of 25,000
men to Scotland, while James's arm was paralysed by
intrigues amongst his nobles, who hung up the king's
favourites before his eyes, and brought him as a
prisoner to Edinburgh. Albany reaped no fruit from
his plots ; but Richard recovered Berwick, and Edward
had to be satisfied with this success and the repayment
of his daughter's dower. His own death in the follow-
ing year hindered his further schemes.

It must have been no small addition to Richard's
prestige, when he seized the English crown, that he
was the recoverer of Berwick. He further vindicated
the superiority of England by strengthening the fleet
and maintaining the iipper hand over the Scotch at sea.
The Duke of Albany and the exiled Earl of Douglas
having been defeated in Scotland, Richard abandoned
their alliance, and made a truce of three years with
James III. It was arranged that James's son should
marry Richard's niece ; but the marriage never took
place, for Richard perished on the held of Bosworth
in the course of the next year (1485).

CHAPTEK VII.

SCOTLAND AND THE TWO FIRST TUDORS.

England and Scotland involved in Europeaji Politics,
1485. — The relations of England and Scotland began
a new phase with the reign of Henry VII., because
both countries became players in the great political
game which now absorbed the energies of Europe, and
which began when Spain appeared m the field as a
rival with France for the possession of Italy. The
houses of Spain, Austria, and Burgmidy became
united by the marriage of the son of the Emperor
Maximilian to the daughter of Ferdinand of Aragon.
France had now to gird herself to the struggle with
two powerful neighbours. The English alliance
became of the utmost importance to both parties,
while the alliance of Scotland was courted by which-
ever power England abandoned, as a means of annoy-
ing England. Thus both England and Scotland
obtained an influence in the politics of Europe quite
disproportionate to their real greatness at that time ;
for the wars of the Koses had blotted England out of
the list of first-class powers, and Scotland was only a
smaller and poorer England, with an Ireland on her
own shores instead of across the Channel.

Scotland supports Perkin Warbeck. — The policy

So ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

of peace which Henry VII. pursued promoted the true
interests of both countries. Though we are far from
seeing the end of the hostile relations between them,
we see the beginning of the end. Henry was in the
midst of negotiations with James III. for a lasting
peace, when the Scotch king perished miserably in a
civil war with his unruly nobles, who accused him of
intending to sacrifice the dignity of the Scotch crown
for the sake of the English alliance (1488). The
favourites of the fallen king became the spies of
Henry VII., through whom he kept up a web of secret
intrigue in Scotland, while outwardly the truces were
continued with James IV., who had succeeded his
father, not without some stain of complicity in the
rebellion against him. To both kings each other's
alliance was necessary, but neither could trust the
other; and in 1494 James openly took a hostile
attitude by receiving at his court Perkin Warbeck,
the pretended heir of the house of York, and refusing
the marriage proposed by Henry with his daughter
Margaret. There seems to be little doubt that James
reaUy believed Perkin to be Richard of York, son of
Edward IV. ; he gave him his own cousin, the
daughter of the Earl of Huntly, in marriage, and
admitted him to his most intimate friendship.
Hoping to recover Berwick as Avell as other material
advantages by placing Perkin on the English throne,
the Scotch king made every possible sacrifice, even to
coining his own plate and jewellery, to raise an army
for this end. They crossed the Border together in
1496; but the Scotch nobility were jealous of the
adventurer, and looked coldly on his cause, and Henry
had active agents among them. The expedition

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 8i

ended in a cruel raid in Northumberland, in which
Perkin won true glory by saying that he had rather
renounce the crown than win it at such a price.
After retreating from this melancholy affair, the zeal
of the king of Scotland for his "cousin of York"
began visibly to cool, and Perkin received an
honourable dismissal from Scotland.

Peace of Stirling, 1499. — Not long after this, after
James had made another fruitless raid into England,
which was amply avenged by an invasion of Scotland
by the Earl of Surrey, negotiations were entered into
for that treaty which eventually brought about the
union of England and Scotland. For the first time
we find Spain an important actor in English affairs.
Ferdinand of Aragon had just formed the league
with the Pope and the Emperor against France ; he
was extremely desirous to draw Henry into it, and
knew that the alliance of England was of little worth
unless there was assured peace between England and
Scotland. The Spanish ambassador acted as mediator
between Henry and James, to bring about a marriage
between Henry's little daughter [Margaret and the
Scotch king. But it was not until Henry's diplomacy
had succeeded in completely detaching Louis XII. of
France from the Scotch alliance that he was able to
induce James to offer himself as a suitor for the little
girl's hand. James's heart was elsewhere, and he
postponed the marriage as long as possible, so that it
was not till 1503 tliat it was actually concluded. It is
said that when it was objected to Henry VII. that this
marriage might some day place a Scotch king on the
English throne, the wise king answered, " Scotland
will come to England, for the lesser goes after the

82 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

greater." A peace for all time between Scotland and
England was part of the marriage treaty ; each king
promised to give no help to rebels against the other ;'
and the Scotch renounced all further claims upon
Berwick, an important concession to the English
crown. The alliance between Scotland and France
seemed now at end ; but Henry vainly tried to obtain
from James a formal renunciation of it; James claimed
it to be a right of his crown which he could not
give up.

The everlasting peace thus concluded lasted for the
rest of Henry VII. 's reign. James IV. was occupied
by fresh attempts to extend the authority of the Scotch
crown over the Highlands and Isles, which resulted in
the aboHtion of the old Keltic lordship of the Isles.
The houses of Campbell and Gordon (Earls of Argyle
and Huntly) acquired supreme power in the Highland
regions, but a power more dependent on the king than
that of the original Keltic chieftains. After the
execution of Perkin Warbeck (1499), and the con-
clusion of the Scotch alliance (1503), the throne of
Henry VII. became for the first time secure. He Avas
not without ambition, and he was preparing to enter
personally into the game of European politics when
death carried him off (1509). The young king of
Scotland had the same ambition. James IV. was
highly educated, a superior linguist, and accomplished
in aU chivalric exercises. There was a growing irrita-
tion between the two countries, caused by naval
jealousy. The commerce and navy of England and
Scotland were both expanding ; but the develop-
ment which the heroic spirit of that age took was
often in a direction which we should now call piracy,

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 83

and it is not surprising that each nation accused the
other of that crime. Thus the Scotch captain, Sir
Andrew Wood, swept the Forth of English pirates,
defeating and taking prisoner a famous EngHsh captain
named Stephen Bull. Another Scotch commander.
Barton, was attacked as a pirate by English ships, and
slain in the Downs.

Battle of Flodclen, 1513. — Such was the state of
things when Henry VIII. ascended the English throne.
Young, vigorous, and ambitious, he found himself the
master of great wealth and of a spirited people. He
aspired to win for England a leading place in the
politics of Europe, and in Thomas Wolsey, the man
who before long became his chief adviser, he had a
servant whose ambition was to make his master
greater even than the Emperor. Henry's ambition
sought the old field of glory in war with France. The
Holy League, formed by Pope Julius II. to drive the
French out of Italy, offered Henry a good opportunity
of invading France. The French now eagerly sought
the alliance of Scotland, and oflfered to pay all James
IV. 's expenses if he would invade England. James
was bound by treaty not to make war on the king of
England, but to submit all disputes between the two
nations to arbiters. But the temptation was too
great for him. He wrote to the Pope to obtain a
release from the treaty, but not being able to get it,
he resolved to do without it. Wliile Henry was
absent in France he crossed the Border, and razed
the castle of Norham to the ground. Katharine of
Aragon, who was regent during the king's absence,
threw herself with eagerness into the task of in-
spiriting the defenders of the country. Such forces as

84 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

could be gathered were hastily sent against the Scotch,
under the leadership of the Earl of Surrey. They
inflicted on the Scotch the famous defeat of Flodden
Field, where James IV. perished, a victim to his
insane chivalric vanity, which led him to seek the
most exposed part of the field in which to distinguish
himself by feats of arms. The slaughter of the
Scotch nobility was so great that there was scarcely
any leading family in Scotland which did not lose
a member that day.

Fortune favoured Henry on every side. In France
he won the battle of Guinegate, and took the im-
portant cities of Terouenne and Tournay. These
triumphs at once altered the position of England in
Europe, raising her to the rank of a first-class power ;
and it might have been expected that Henry would
take the opportunity offered by the death of James IV.,
and the minority of his son James V., to interfere
with a strong hand in the affairs of Scotland. But
Henry always respected the letter of his plighted
word ; and he was bound by the treaty of Orleans
(made with Louis XII. after the fall of Tournay), in
which Scotland was included, to keep the peace with
Scotland. He therefore contented himself with secret
intrigues to prevent French influence in Scotland.

Relations of England and Scotland at this time. —
England and^ Scotland were never further apart than
they were in Henry VIII. 's reign. Forgetful of
their common origin, they regarded each other with
the most intense and bitter hatred. There was little
intercourse or trade between them. Passports were
necessary to travel from one country to the other, and
the journey across the Border was very dangerous.

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 85

Mutual ignorance increased mutual hatred ; but that
hatred was further envenomed by the Scotch alliance
with France. England had to fight France in Scot-
land. It was galling to her pride to find the cause of
her old enemy upheld by a nation of her own language,
whom she could scarcely bring herself to regard in any
other light than that of an upstart dependent. Endless
feuds had created a waste many miles broad along the
whole Border, from Berwick to Carlisle. On either
side of this waste dwelt the Borderers, a race of
thieves and murderers, whose wild, romantic life,
however much it may lend itself to poetic treatment,
was a survival of barbarism, odious even to that
barbarous age.

In this wild country Thomas Lord Dacre adminis-
tered Henry's government, as Warden of the East and
West Marches. It was his task to attend to the
defence of the Border, to conduct the diplomatic
business between England and Scotland (for no regular
English envoy resided in Scotland), and in time of
hostilities to organize "warden raids" into Scotland
to keep the country in "cumber and business." His
position was so important, and so much power was
thrown into his hands by the necessarily slow com-
munication with the central government, that he
might almost have been called the minister of the
Scottish Border. But he was absolutely dependent on
the king and Wolsey, and his letters show that he
lived in dread of not being thought to fulfil his work
well enough. He was an iron man, ruthless and
violent, but he could be cunning as well as resolute,
and perfectly entered into the MacchiaveUian policy
which was dictated from the court.

86 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Second Marriage of Margaret Tudor. — Any chance
whicli Henry might have had of governing Scotland
through his sister Margaret, widow of James IV., was
lost through her marriage with the Earl of Angus.
She had been appointed Eegent by the Estates, but
"her excessive weakness and marvellous mind upon
her apparel " had already shown her imfitness for the
post, and her second marriage lost her all influence
with the Scotch nobles, who were nearly all rivals of
the powerfid family of Douglas, to which Angus
belonged. The Estates of Scotland sent to France for
the Duke of Albany, son of James III.'s brother, who
had been brought up in France ; he came to Scotland
and took the ofSfice of the regency (1515). A struggle
at once began between him and Margaret for the pos-
session of the royal children. Margaret was worsted,
and fled into England.

Regency of A Ihany, 1515-1524. — Though the
French party, of which the Duke of Albany was the
head, was now supreme in Scotland, that supremacy
was far from satisfactory to the greater part of the
Scotch nobihty. The condition of Scotland Avas at
that time deplorable. The families of Douglas and
Hamilton split up the nation into feuds by their
rivalry. The Scotch nobility were uncultured, violent,
and barbarous, and though their only bond of union
was hatred to England, many of them were not un-
willing to accept the bribes of Henry VIII., and
become his secret agents. A temporary absence of
the Duke of Albany seemed to ofi'er an opportunity
for English influence. Margaret returned to Scotland ;
but she was but a feeble tool, which often broke in
Henry's hand. "V\niile he was doing his utmost by

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 87

his envoys in France to prevent the return of Albany
to Scotland, she annoyed him by going over to the
party of Albany, whose ecclesiastical iafluence she
now desired in order to obtain a divorce from her
second husband, who was faithless and brutal. By
a secret article of the Treaty of London (1518) France
had promised that Albany should not return to Scot-
land during the minority of James V. But m. 1521
Henry, who had already made a secret alliance with
the young Emperor Charles V., was on the eve of war
with France, and it was rumoured that Albany was
coming back to Scotland with Richard de la Pole, a
scion of the house of York, and that Scotland was
going to play the part she had played in the days of
Perkin Warbeck. In spite of Henry's watchfuhiess
Albany returned to Scotland. In vain did Henry
write a bullying letter to the Estates of Scotland,
coarsely insinuating that his sister was seeking to
marry Albany, and threatening them with war if they
did not drive Albany forth. They sent a dignified and
firm refusal, and the lords of Parliament told Henry's
herald that they would live and die with Albany,
though Henry, the king of France, and the Emperor,
should be against them.

War was declared between England and France hi
1522, and Scotland prepared to second her ally.
France sent help, and the Duke of Albany advanced
towards the Border with 80,000 men. But the invasion
was staved off by the audacious cleverness of Dacre,
who, well aware that Carlisle was defenceless, and that
Albany would have been master of the situation had
he boldly pushed forward, contrived to delude him
into accepting a truce for one month. Dacre had no

88 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

authority to make this truce, and he chuckled mightily-
over the folly of the Scotch in accepting it and disband-
ing their army. The truce was prolonged from month
to month ; but as soon as Wolsey could induce the
Emperor to join in a year's truce with France, in which
Scotland was not included, he prepared to carry out the
threats of his master. The Earl of Surrey, son of the
victor of Flodden, was sent to burn and lay waste the
Scotch Border, to create a desert between Scotland
and England, which should prevent further danger
from the northern country (1523). "All Teviotdale
and the Merse have been so destroyed," writes Wolsey,
" that there is left neither house, fortress, village, tree,
castle, corn, or other succour for man;" and Dacre
exults that 1000 men will now be able to hold the
Borders. Margaret alone remarked that her brother
only lost the hearts^oOhe poor of Scotland by such
barbarities. The Scotch resisted Surrey's invasion
with an indomitable courage which made no small
impression upon him, and it perhaps had something to
do in preventing him from advancing upon Edinburgh,
as Margaret urged him to do. But he also had no
means of provisioning his army. The central authority,
as usual, having other ambitions, was content with
simply dealing a hurtful stroke on Scotland, and then
returned to the easier paths of malicious intrigue.

Albany, who had been again absent in France,
returned again to Scotland soon after Surrey's invasion
with a French force of 6000 men. Before the year
was out he led an army of Scotch and French to the
Border, and laid siege to Wark Castle. This time
most anxious defensive preparation was made in Eng-
land, though Wolsey prophesied that the mvasion

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 89

could lead to nothing serious, when so short a time had
been allowed for provisioning the Scotch army, and
when the season was so late. The event justified his
sagacity. Albany suddenly broke up the siege of
Wark, after the repulse of a French storming party
from the inner ward, and retreated hastily into Scot-
land. In spite of this second failure, he does not
appear to have lost credit with the Scotch lords. They
utterly distrusted the sister of Henry VIII., and she
weakly oscillated from one party to the other ; indeed,
she writes with some pertinence to Henry, that as she
has to live with these people, she must make herself
agreeable to them. Albany left Scotland for good in
1524, but before his departure Margaret signed a deed
promising to further a marriage between her son and
one of the daughters of the king of France.

Erection of James V., 1524. — Albany having left
Scotland, it became the object of the English court to
further the erection of the young king ; that is, his
taking upon himself the government of his kingdom,
as he was then thirteen years old. All that was
intended was that he should be put under English
instead of French tutelage ; and the Earl of Angus,
the exiled husband of Margaret Tudor, was to be the
instrument of restoring English influence. Wolsey
declared that the success of this matter would be as
honourable and profitable to Henry as the conquest of
a good portion of Scotland. Henry made liberal offers
of money to the Scotch nobles ; while to the king and
his mother the prospect of a marriage with the Lady
Mary was held out as a bait. The scheme was success-
fully carried out. The boy-king made a triumphal
entry into Edinburgh, and the Estates of Scotland

90 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

decreed that Albany had lost his office of governor,
and that the king should now use his own authority.
Two English envoys were sent to reside at the Scotch
court, to influence the queen and her son in the right
direction. The revolution was vainly opposed by the
Chancellor of Scotland, Beaton, Archbishop of St.
Andrew's. Efforts were made by Wolsey to entice
him over the Border, and by a kind of honourable
kidnapping to bring him into Henry's power. But
Beaton was too wary, and it was not until he became
convinced that he had more hope of obtaining a cardi-
nal's hat through Wolsey than through anyone else
that he entered into the English alliance.

Angus seizes the Government of Scotland, 1524-
1528. — Before this, fresh difficulty arose through
Margaret's resolute refusal to come to terms with
her husband Angus. She was now in close alliance
with the Earl of Arran, of whom the Duke of
JS'orfolk said, "Whoever hath him best is no more
sure of him than he that hath an eel by the tail."
She was extremely unpopular, both for her assumption
of all authority into her own hands, the letter disorder
of the country, and her own immoral life. What
angered Henry most was, that she would not send
ambassadors into England to negotiate the perpetual
peace which he wished to conclude between the two
realms, and to check her power he permitted Angus
to return to Scotland (1524). Angus made a forcible
entry into Edinburgh, and as a large party in Scotland
favoured him, the kingdom was brought to the verge
of civil war. A temporary accommodation was made,
and negotiations for a permanent peace with England
were begun, the basis of which was to have been the

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS, 91

betrothal of Mary Tudor to James V. But Mary,
who was then Henry's only legitimate child, was too
valuable a card to be laid unreservedly on the board.
She was already promised to the Emperor, and the
offer of her to the king of Scots was not honest. The
Scotch were perfectly well aware of this, and Margaret
was receiving tempting offers from the French court,
which she was quite ready to accept rather than to
have Angus forced upon her as a husband.

The defeat of Francis I. at Pavia (1525) called
forth a generous outburst of sympathy in Scotland for
the ancient ally. The English envoy became so un-
popular that he was beHeved to be the cause of storms
and blight, and the women cursed him for it in the
streets. But the battle of Pavia brought about a
change in Henry's policy. He began to see that the
Emperor was becoming too powerful ; so, abandoning
his alliance, he made a treaty with Francis (treaty of
the More, 1525). When this alliance was known in
Scotland it removed the difficulties in the Avay of a
peace, which was signed in January, 1526.

English influence was now supreme in Scotland,
and one circumstance which tended to keep it so was
the fact that James V., being the eldest male grand-
child of Henry VII., had a fair claim to succeed to
the English throne, especially in the event of his
marriage with Mary Tudor, an event rendered more
Kkely by Henry's breach with the Emperor. The
possibility of this succession was one of the baits
which the English envoys had orders to dangle before
James's eyes. The Scotch nobles and the queen were
receiving pensions from Henry, who also paid for the
maintenance of a bodyguard of 200 men for James.

92 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Angus secured supreme authority for himself by
deposing Beaton from the chancellorship, and getting
himself chosen as one of the guardians of the young
king, thus obtaining possession of his person (1526).
He entered into alliance with the Earl of Arran, and
kept James in virtual captivity. Henry VIII. ap-
proved this revolution, and it seems to have been now
that he dismissed the Archbishop of St. Andrew's from
his favour, because he took part against Angus, thereby
securing a powerful enemy to English influence in
Scotland. Beaton made his peace with Angus by
heavy payments, and Angus, who had little wit,
allowed him to return to court. The queen obtained
from the Pope her divorce from her detested husband,
and then in alliance with Beaton succeeded in eman-
cipating her son from the tutelage of Angus, and
effecting a complete overthrow of his power. He was
attainted by Parliament on a charge of treason, and
his lands bestowed on his enemies. Angus fled to
England, where he was kindly received ; and so much
did Henry and Wolsey esteem his services that they
were disposed to make his restoration to favour a
condition of the new treaty for five years, which was
concluded at Berwick in December, 1528 ; but the
Scottish commissioners would not treat on this basis,
so the condition had to be dropped.

English Ascendency iyi Scotland lost, 1528. — The
two years of thraldom which James had endured at
the hand of Angus had bred in him a vindictive hatred
to his step-father which he never outgrew. It was
extremely unfortunate that Henry and "Wolsey had
chosen Angus as the instrument of English influence
in Scotland : for the hatred which James felt for

THE TWO FIRST TUDORS. 93

him had undoubtedly a powerful effect in alienating
him from the English alliance, when he found his
" dearest uncle " wholly bent on restoring Angus to his
former position in Scotland. Henry and Wolsey were
aware of the worthlessness of their tool, and only used
him because they had no other. There was as yet
nothing that could truly be called an English party in
Scotland ; the webs of selfishness which the English
government spun out of bribes, broke as soon as any
strain was put upon them.

The expulsion of Angus brought about a time of
great anarchy in Scotland, as his partizans carried on a
plundering warfare on his behalf; and the Borders,
near which his large estates lay, were emboldened to
break out in disorder, secretly encouraged by the
English government. Perhaps Henry and Wolsey
might have devised a wiser policy as regards vScotland
if at this time their energies had not become completely
absorbed in the great business of the divorce of
Katharine of Aragon. Before long Henry broke with
the Emperor, and declared war against him (1528).
His daughter Mary was now promised to Francis I.,
or one of his sons. The Emperor thought it would be
to his advantage to make an alliance with Scotland.
To counteract this, Wolsey instructed his envoy to tell
the Scotch that they need not yet despair of the Prin-
cess Mary. But surely in vain the net is spread in the
eyes of any bird. The fall of Wolsey came in 1529 ;
and though in a few years he was succeeded by a
minister as able and even more despotic, yet the
English ascendancy in Scotch affairs which Wolsey
had brought about was not recovered.

CHAPTER VIII.

SCOTLAND, THE TUDORS, AND
PROTESTANTISM.

Henry VIII.'s Breach with Rome. — England had
now entered on a new path, which for many years was
to separate her from Scotland more entirely than before.
Events were leading to the great breach between
England and Eome, which was consummated in 1534,
It was to be expected that, when it came, Scotland^
would ally herself with the Catholic powers, and be
more than ever hostile to England. In the meantime
the effects of the divorce on the relations between
England and Scotland were most important. Mary
was no longer the heiress of the English crown, and no
longer desirable as a match ; while the illegitimacy, in
the eyes of aU Catholics, of the children of Anne
Boleyn, opened a prospect for the king of Scotland as
the only legitimate male descendant of the house of
Tudor. This new hope bound the royal house of Scot-
land to Catholicism. James was now of age to act
for himself, and the dangerous prospect opened that he
would act as the champion of the papal power, and
the rival of his uncle, in England. The uncle and
nephew regarded each other with complete distrust.
While James was promising that he would do nothing

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 95

without the advice of his dearest uncle, he was secretly
negotiating with the Emperor for a marriage into his
family. Henry repaid intrigue for intrigue by enter-
ing into communication with James's discontented
subjects. His irritation was increased by hearing that
the Emperor had given his secret approval to the
assumption by James of the title of Prince of England,
an assumption which touched Henry in his tenderest
point. Angus and his friends never ceased to stimu-
late him to invade Scotland and restore them to power,
and there were the usual Border disputes to serve as a
pretext. James was unpopular with his own nobles,
and the time was opportune for dealing him a blow
which should discourage him from further intrigue.

Henry forces James to make Peace. — Henry took the
advice which was offered him on many sides, and
ordered the Earl of Northumberland to invade
Scotland, to destroy, Avaste, and burn "to their most
annoyance" (1532). Northumberland followed out
his instructions literally ; he penetrated sixteen miles
within the Scotch Border, " leaving not one peel,
gentleman's house, nor grange, unburnt." These
raids were continu.ed during the next year, and Angus
and his brother assisted in them effectively. Mean-
while Scotch ships of war were holding all the
English shipping in terror from the Hvimber north-
ward. The object of the war was accomplished at
last by the conclusion of a peace, which was to last
for the rest of the two kings' lives (1534).

Henry was well aware that he had entered on a
path of peril and isolation when he broke finally with
the ancient nurse of Christendom, by passing the Act
of Supremacy. He was most anxious to keep the

96 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

peace which he had wrung from Scotland, and his
great object now in his dealings with his nephew was
to bring him round to his side by a personal interview.
Confident in his theological knowledge and his powers
as a disputant, he had little doubt that he should be
able to persuade the younger king of the great
advantage it would be to himself to throw off the
authority of the Pope and clergy, and to recruit his
treasury from the wealth of the Church. The Garter
was sent to James, who with all the expressions of
an affectionate nephew confided to Henry his intention
of treating for a marriage with some relative of the
king of France, Henry's friend. But events followed
their inevitable course. James was not without
intellectual gifts, but his character was violent and
vindictive. He had alienated his nobility by the
rough measures he had taken to assert his authority
over them, and he consequently was thrown back
upon the clergy. They were more to his taste than
the nobles, as their superior education made them
more skilful instruments of his will, while their lax
morality put him under no restraint. By their,
influence the intended meeting between Henry and
James was constantly postponed. The Edinburgh
friars were allowed to inveigh against Henry in their
sermons, and the English envoy declared that he saw
no hope of real friendship between England and
Scotland except in the growth of a Protestant party.

Jameses French Marriages. — It does not appear that
Henry offered any opposition to James's marriage with
Francis's daughter, Magdalene, which took place in
1537; but the French princess died before she had
been six weeks in Scotland. A second French

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 97

marriage was concluded next year, when James took
to wife Mary, Duchess of Longueville, daughter of
the celebrated Duke of Guise. The ambassador sent
to negotiate this marriage, so important in the history
of Scotland, Avas David Beaton, nephew of the
Archbishop of St. Andrews. He was an able and
resolute man, thoroughly devoted to the Eoman
church and the French alliance. On the death of his
uncle he succeeded him as Archbishop of St. Andrews,
having already been made a cardinal, and rose to the
highest influence in Scotland.

James's Policy under Beaton's Guidance. — Under
such guidance it was not likely that James would see
eye to eye with Henry. The Scotch government was
undoubtedly in sympathy with the English Catholic
insurrections in 1536. On James's homeward voyage
from France with his iirst bride he sent boats to the
Yorkshire coast to buy provisions, and the oi^portunity
was taken by many of the disafi"ected gentlemen of
Yorkshire to board his ship, and enter into communi-
cation with him. James was much elated, and uttered
words of foolish boasting. After his second marriage
he allowed " mischievous and villainous rhymes against
the king's majesty " to be freely circulated in Scotland.
All this was reported to Henry, and created in his
mind that most dangerous kind of irritation which is
not unmixed with fear. For Henry's position was now
always one of peril. A turn in the politics of Europe
might at any time bring about a European coalition
against him, in which Scotland might play a most
dangerous part. It must be admitted that he showed
commendable patience and policy in continuing for
eight years to negotiate for an interview with his

H

98 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

nephew, knowing as he did that the Scotch clergy-
were actually exciting their king to war, luider the
fear that he might follow Henry's example in seizing
the abbey lands. But the clerical party maintained
their influence. James refused to give up a traitorous
churchman whose extradition was demanded by Henry,
and further irritated his imcle by assuming the title of
Defender of the Christian Faith, which was equivalent
to posing as the champion of Catholicism. The death
of Margaret in the same year (1541) broke the last
link between Henry and his nephew. James promised
to meet his uncle at York in 1542, but Henry's patience
was now giving way. His anxiety for an interview
with his nephew was so great that he listened to a
proposal for kidnapping James, and bringing him to
England ; but his Council dissuaded him from a plan
so unAvorthy of his honour.

It was doubtless the change which had come about
in European politics which commended to Henry this
desperate plan for getting hold of his nephew. The
Turks had wrested Hungary from the Emperor's brother
Ferdinand, and Charles himself had been disastrously
defeated by the Moors in an expedition against Algiers.
The moment seemed favourable to Francis to recover!
his hold upon Italy ; he entered into alliance with the
Pope, and began war on the Emperor. Henry, who
had been at peace with France since 1527, Avas now
inclining to the imperial alliance. Thomas Cromwell
had fallen, and with him his far-sighted project of a
great Protestant alliance, Avhich should hold both the
Catholic sovereigns in check. Henry had never
enjoyed his position of isolation from the rest oi
Christendom, and he hojied that the general Counci)

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 99

which the Emperor proposed might find a way to
compose the religious differences of Europe. To
neutralize the effects of an alliance between England and
the empire, Francis sought to excite James V. to
invade England. It is doubtful whether James knew
of the suggestion to kidnap him, but he finally refused
the promised interview at York. Henry, who had
travelled to York to meet him, was higlily indignant
(1540). Both sides prepared for war, but Henry in
his impatience ordered a raid into Scotland by 'Sir
Robert Bowes, assisted by Angus and his brother,
before the main body of the English army had time
to assemble. They were defeated by the Scots at
Halydon Rigg. The news of this skirmish was carried
to France as a great Scotch victory, and drew forth
insulting rejoicmgs from Francis, who said Henry now
had God and the world against him.

Battle of Solway Moss, 1542. — Henry sent the Duke
of Norfolk to Scotland Avith 20,000 men, and for
nine days the Lothians were laid waste. Norfolk had
to retire to the Border for lack of provisions, and in
the meantime the king of Scots had gathered his
army ; but when his nobles heard of the withdrawal
of the English troops, they refused to follow their
king to the invasion of England. This position had
been steadily taken up by the leading Scotch nobles
ever since the battle of Flodden ; they saw the folly
of anything but a defensive policy on the part of
Scotland. In spite of his anger, James had to retire
sullenly to Edinburgh. But Beaton and the clergy
furnished him with the means of raising another
army, recruited from the tenants of the Church ; and
with projects of vengeance against his own nobles in

loo ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

his mind, James again advanced to the Border. His
ill-managed host was surprised by Lord Dacre at
Sol way Moss, just within the English boundarj"-, and
scattered in sudden panic. The defeat was more than
James' proud spirit could brook. He died three
weeks afterwards, shortly after hearing the news of
the birth of his daughter, whose tragic life was to
expiate the policy which he had adopted.

Beaton recovers Ms Supremacy. — This complete
victory seemed to make the way clear for the resto-
ration of English ascendency in Scotland, and Henry
hastened to take advantage of it by proposing a treaty
of alliance between England and Scotland, and the
marriage of his son Edward with the infant Mary.
The Earl of Angus returned to Scotland, and his estates
were restored to him. Through him, and through
the nobles taken prisoner at Solway Moss, and released
on parole, Henry hoped to have a party in Scotland
which he could count upon. The character of the
Earl of Arran, who was made Eegent, was so weak and
variable as to seem to offer an easy subject for the
influence of Henry's ambassador, Sir Ealph Sadler.
!^ut Henry had not calculated on the strength of the
Scotch national animosity. It was a sentimental
hatred, and before sentimental hatreds diplomacy and
force are alike powerless. The lords whom Henry
had sought to bribe to his party found themselves
swept away by the vehemence of the national hatred
of England. The treaties of peace and marriage were
assented to by the Scotch ambassadors in London.
Their terms were most moderate ; they contained
ample provision for the independence of Scotland, bixt
two things in them were intolerable to the Scotch.

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. loi

The first was that the clause in the old treaties, which
left Scotland free to attack England in case of war
between England and France, was not retained ; the
second, that Mary was to be educated in England after
she was ten years old ; a provision which awakened
the old distrust felt in Henry. An opportunity thus
opened for Mary of Guise and the other friends of
France, who had long been dissembling with Henry,
to assert their policy. Beaton, who had been foiled in
an attempt to obtain the regency, and imprisoned for
a time, recovered his liberty, carried off the queen
mother and her child to Stirling, and crowned the
infant Mary. The weak-minded Regent became a tool
in the hands of Beaton ; and after a formal ratifi-
cation of the treaties, repudiated them, and openly
went over to the Cardinal's party, recanting his
Protestant opinions (1543).

Henry's Revenge.— The victory of Beaton was the
victory of Catholicism, and overthrew the hopes
which Henry had built on the rise of a Protestant
party in Scotland. Great was his wrath, and he
would have invaded Scotland at once, but that the
season of the year compelled him to defer it. Mean-
while the Earl of Angus and other lords of the so-
called English party, who had all along been receiving
Henry's money without doing him any service for it,
entered into a secret bond with the Regent "for the
resisting of our auld enemies of England." It is
difficult to tell whom Angus betrayed most, so am-
biguous was his conduct ; but it is certain that he was
powerless to resist the universal current of hatred to
England, in which he found himself involved after
his return to Scotland. He seems to have bent to the

I02 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

stream, and meanwhile to have tried to earn Henry's
money by sending him small pieces of information
from time to time. It is certain that he suggested the
plan of attack on Scotland which was actually fol-
lowed by Henry next year (1544). The new English
navy, which had been one of the creations of Crom-
well, was made the instrument of Henry's vengeance.
Lord Hertford, brother of Queen Jane Seymour
(more famous afterwards as the Protector Somerset)
was sent by sea to Leith with a body of troops.
Leith and Edinburgh were sacked and burned, and
Hertford proceeded by land towards the Border, in-
flicting all the destruction he could on his way. As
Angus had been unable to bring himself to act
against his country, vengeance was taken on him by
breaking the tombs of his forefathers at Melrose
Abbey. The detachment of English sent for this
work was defeated by the Scotch at Ancrum Moor.

After this blow had been strvick Henry reopened
negotiations with the Eegent and Mary of Guise for
the peace and marriage; but Mary and Beaton were
now the real managers of affairs, and Henry's agent
reported to him that their only intention in listening
to negotiations was to gain time. Meanwhile serious
reports reached Henry that the French king was
sending a large force to Scotland, that the Emperor
and Cardinal Pole were in secret communication with
the Scotch government, and that an invasion of Eng-
land was to be expected. Henry ordered an army of
30,000 men to be raised in the North, supplemented
with mercenaries from abroad, and entered into an
alliance with the Lord of the Isles, chief of the
Keltic tribes of Scotland, who with his barons took

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 103

the oath of allegiance to the king of England. It is
curious to see how strong was still the flame of this
truly national hatred when we read this chieftain
declaring that " we men of the wild isles have been
old enemies to the kingdom of Scotland." Hertford,
who commanded the army on the Border, remained
on the defensive till September, 1545; and then Avhen
the united French and Scotch invasion had come to
nothing, as such invasions always did, and when the
Scotch army had dispersed, he inflicted another
grievous raid on Scotland, "for the due correction
and punishment of the notable falsehood, untruth,
and most dishonourable proceedings and injuries
attempted by the Scots against your majesty." The
English army contained a motley host of mercenaries
from all countries, and its ravages and cruelties ex-
ceeded those of former expeditions. Seven monasteries
and 243 villages were destroyed besides castles and
homesteads.

We must deplore these brutal ravages, and the '
increase of bitterness between England and Scotland
which they naturally caused ; but we must remember
that Henry had exhausted all means of conciliation,
that he was in a position of great danger, at war
with France, and deserted (in 1545) by his ally the
Emperor. In such extremity a man of naturally
violent character strikes out heavily and ruthlessly ;
and it was the cruelty of fear which dealt these blows
on Scotland by the hand of Hertford.

Peace of Bouloijne, 1546. — Though no conquest of
Scotland was intended by Henry, the result of these
invasions was to leave a good deal of Scotch territory
in his hands. The gentlemen of the Merse and

I04 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Teviotdale, and many of Lothian, sued to be received
as his subjects, and he gained a new and important
ally in the Earl of Lennox. The Scotch were grow-
ing M^eary of the French, and the English were so
manifestly gaining the upper hand that the Douglases
thought it worth while to renew their offers of service.
It was indeed a time of triumph for England. Alone
against Europe, she had been able to defy the French,
king, the Emperor, and the Pope. Peace was signed
with France in 1546, and Scotland was included in it.

Murder of Cardinal Beaton. — Perhaps if Henry
had waited, the progress of events would have brought
Scotland round to him. Cardinal Beaton was doing
a great work as an educator of the Protestant party.
Successful only for a time in his policy of binding
Scotland to France and the Holy See, his great success
and service to his country was that by the cruel
discipline of the stake, the gallows, and the dungeon
he raised up in Scotland a Protestant party worthy of
Scotland and Protestantism. But there were still
elements in that party in whom the old violence of
the Scotch character was predominant, and Henry
enlisted these to do his work. At the time of Hert-
ford's first campaign in Scotland he had given his
secret sanction to a plot for murdering Beaton, and in
May, 1546, it was successfully carried out. The
Cardinal was slain in his own castle of St. Andrew's
Ijy three Scotchmen of rank, who were friends of
Henry VIII. His body was hung over the walls, and
the conspirators took possession of the castle, and
defended it for some time against the attacks of the
regent.

Henry did not shrink from supporting those who

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 105

had done him such signal service. The death of the
Cardinal paralyzed for a time the French faction in
Scotland. Ambassadors were sent to England to begin
again the negotiation for the marriage of Mary and
Edward, and Henry insisted that they should use their
influence with the Regent to induce him to desist from
the siege of St. Andrew's. He sent such effectual
help to the garrison, that the Regent, finding himself
powerless to take the castle, made a compact with the
l^esieged that he would send to Rome for their pardon.
When the pardon arrived, it was so ambiguously
worded that the besieged refused to surrender. The
Regent had, therefore, to send to France for help.
Meanwhile the Protestant party flocked to the castle
for the free exercise of their religion.

Somerset alienates Scotland. ^-Bwi, as if to prove that
the union of the two realms was not to be wrought out
of deeds of violence like the murder of Beaton, death
cut short Henry's schemes just when they seemed
nearing fulfilment, and his death broke off the negoti-
ations for the treaty. Hertford, who became Duke
of Somerset and Protector of England, began the series
of mistakes which marked his foreign policy by neglect-
ing to relieve the castle of St. Andrew's, and it was
obliged to surrender to a force sent from France. The
small party which favoured England was thus utterly
discouraged. When it was too late to retrieve this
error Somerset marched into Scotland, and, as usual,
all parties joined to resist the English. At Pinkie he
inflicted a bloody defeat on the Scotch, which only
served to rekindle the old hatred ui all its fierceness
(1547). There was no longer any hope of a marriage
between Edward and Mary. The Scotch sent to

■io6 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

France for help, and offered Mary to the Dauphin. A
fresh invasion of Scotland, under Lord Grey, took
place in 1548. The Earl of Lennox, who was stiU
acting as the ally of the English, had brought the
greater part of Galloway to submission, and several
important strongholds remained in the hands of the
English since Somerset's last invasion. A force of
6000 French troops, led by D'Essy, landed at Leith.
The struggle between the French and English centred
at Haddington. At the Convention of Haddington
the Scotch decided to send the young queen to France
to be betrothed to the Dauphin, and to unite for ever
the crowns of Scotland and France.

Mary was sent to France forthwith, and the war
was continued with great fury and barbarity. The
patriotism of the country people recovered Hume and
Fast Castles from the English. An English force which
landed in Fife was manfully repulsed by James Stuart,
the queen's illegitimate brother. The Earl of Shrews-
bury entering Scotland with a large army, the siege of
Haddington was raised. The French, retreating on
Edinburgh, came into bloody collision with the citizens
of that town, and D'Essy thought to undo the effects
of this unlucky accident by surprising Haddington.
The attempt was all but successful ; but it was re-
pulsed after three repeated assaults, and the French
had to bear the rejoicings of the Scotch over their
defeat. But England was soon involved in war with
France, and Somerset was nearing his fall. The
garrison of Haddington, hopeless of relief from Eng-
land, burnt the to^vn and marched away into England
(1549). The last English garrison which remained in
Scotland was just about to surrender when news came

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 107

of the peace between England and France, concluded
by the government of Warwick (1550).

Mary of Guise made Regent, 1554.— This peace
was as pernicious to Scotland as war, owing to the
cruelty and avarice of the Eegent. The discredit
which Arran thus incurred enabled Mary of Guise to
accomplish at last the object which she had been
aiming at for eight years. Arran was induced to
resign the regency, being made Duke of Chatelherault
and pensioned by France, and Mary became Kegent in
his stead.

John Knox. — The triumph of France in Scotland
seemed complete; yet in the very galleys which
brought the French troops to Scotland in 1548, there
was a prisoner working at the oar who was to undo all
the work of the Convention of Haddington. No one
man did more for the union of England and Scotland
than John Knox. In a dark and selfish age, when the
nobles of Scotland were scarcely ashamed of their o-wn
baseness, he arose to lead the Scotch nation to the
pursuit of an ideal aim, nobler even than the love of
country. He was a man of boundless faith, tender at
heart, iron of will, and overflowing with humour,
sometimes of a grim sort. That he had not the
faintest idea of religious toleration, and that he looked
kindly on Lynch law for powerful offenders, is only to
say that he was the child of his age. But he was
leader of his age by his clear perception that rulers
hold their office for the sake of the governed, and
that when they rule badly it is lawful to resist them,
and by the practical sagacity which seldom failed to
give him right insight into character and true foresight
of events.

io8 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Protestantism firmly established in Scotland. — The
election of Mary of Guise to the Scotch regency
followed not long after the elevation of Mary Tudor
to the English throne. Thus both countries were
ruled by Catholics, and the cause of the Eeformation
seemed more imperilled than ever. But tins danger
was neutralized by the strange complication of
European politics. The rivalry between France and
Spain rendered cordial action impossible between
Mary of Guise and the wife of Philip of Spain.
Moreover the faction of the Hamiltons (Arran's
family) was still dangerous ; and to counterbalance
their power, Mary allowed the Scotch Protestants a
freedom from persecution which they had not enjoyed
since Arran changed his faith. John Knox returned
to Scotland (1555), and travelled about the country
preaching the new doctrines. Everywhere he found
" a marvellous thirst for the Word." The Protestant
Church took root, and began to organize itself. Among
the nominal converts to Protestantism at this time
were Lord James Stuart and Maitland, Laird of
Lethington — two men destined to play an important
part afterwards. The clergy, unsupported by the
regent, were powerless to lay hands upon Knox ; but
he judged it prudent to -withdraw to the Continent for
a time, after he had seen the Reformation firmly
planted in Scotland.

AMien Philip of Spain dragged England into war
with France, the French king stimmoned Scotland to
be true to her alliance by making war on England
(1557). But all the eloquence of the regent Mary
could not induce the Scotch nobility to invade
England. The French commander, D'Oyssel, was

THE TUDORS AND PROTESTANTISM. 109

even ordered by the council to bring back some
iirdnance which he had carried across the Tweed.
A predatory warfare was carried on for two seasons
(111 the Border, which left the English Border in a
ruinous condition at Elizabeth's accession.

CHAPTEK IX.

ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND UNITED BY
PR O TES TA NTISM.

Manj of Guise provokes a Protestant Revolution in
Scotland, 1559. — The peace of Chateau Cambresis,
conchided between France and Spain four months
after Elizabeth's accession, gave a complete turn to
the tide of affairs. France and Spain were both set
free to direct their energies to the suppression of the
Reformation ; and it was no longer necessary for the
Regent of Scotland to dissemble towards the Protes-
tants. The French court had eagerly embraced a
scheme in which sectarianism and ambition met.
There was only a woman on the English throne, and
she, in the eyes of all who held the divorce between
Henry VIII. and Katharine to have been unlawful,
Avas illegitimate. The rightful heir to the crown was
Mary Stuart, now the wife of Henry II. 's son and
heir, the Dauphin Francis. Henry adopted as his
policy the championship of Catholicism. The Dauphin
and Dauphiness openly assumed the arms of England ;
and Mary of Guise, throwing off the mask which she
had worn as long as she needed the help of the
Protestants, issued a proclamation ordering Easter to
be observed in the Catholic manner.

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. iii

But it was too late to turn back the tide. The
immediate effect of the Kegent's attempt to put down
Protestantism was an uprising of the people, which in
a few months overthrew Catholicism all over the
Lowlands. John Knox came back to Scotland just in
time to be the leading spirit of this Protestant
revolution. The glory of this movement is that it
was essentially the work of the people. Its noblest
side is seen in John Knox, the defender of the
liberties of the people, the champion of eternal right
against force and guile in high places. But if Knox
fought for an ideal, the nobles who fought with him
fought chiefly for peK, for the plunder of the Church.
The people were not strong enough for the burden of
so great a cause ; and from the first the Scotch
reformers looked to England for help. Knox, who in
travelling through France, had learned the full extent
of the French plots, was the steady friend of alliance,
if not union, between England and Scotland. The
cherished plan of the Lords of the Congregation (as
the leading nobles of the reforming party were called)
was to unite the crowns of England and Scotland by
a marriage between the Earl of Arran (son of the
Duke of Chatelherault), who after Mary Stuart was
the next heir to the Scottish crown, and Elizabeth.
Were the whole island thus united, they felt confident
that it would be able to defy both France and Spain ;
but they had little hope of being successful single-
handed in the struggle with the power of France,
which they were well aware lay before them. In
August the Protestants, who had held Edinburgh since
June, Avere obliged to conclude a treaty Avith the
Reeent, abandoning Edinburgh. Their forces had so

112 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

dwindled that they were afraid to hold the field
against her French troops, and she was expecting
further reinforcements. The Lords of the Congregation
urgently sought help from England.

Elizabeth helps the Protestant Movement. — Elizabeth,
by the advice of Cecil, had encouraged the Scotch
revolution from the beginning, but with extreme
secrecy. There were many reasons which made her
most reluctant to aid it openly. She had little sym-
pathy with the Genevan doctrines which were approved
in Scotland. She disliked Knox for a book he had
published in Mary's reign against the government of
women ; she instinctively dreaded openly encouraging
subjects to rise agamst their sovereigns ; and after she
had seen Arran she renounced all thought of marriage
Avith him, discerning him to be of weak intellect.
Moreover, England was in a state of extreme weak-
ness at her accession — the fortresses in ruins, the navy
scattered, the treasury empty, and she had reason to
suspect that two-thirds of her people were disafiPected.
It was scarcely the moment to fly in the face of France
by supporting Calvinist rebels in Scotland. Yet Cecil
and Knox foresaw with equal clearness that the over-
throw of the Protestants in Scotland would be the
prelude to the overthrow of Elizabeth herself. In
spite of her hesitation and reluctance therefore Eliza-
beth did help the Scotch revolution, though her help
was confined at first to sending money secretly.
Though she would not marry the Earl of Arran, she
sent him back to Scotland with more money for the
cause. By his influence his father, the Duke of
Chatelherault, was brought round again to the Protes-
tant side. The scattered Protestants ralhed together.

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 113

The Regent had lately received a reinforcement of
1000 French mercenaries, with whose help she was
fortifying Leith. The Protestant nobles met at Stir-
ling, and sent a petition to the regent, demanding that
the fortifications of Leith should be destroyed. This
petition was repeated more imperatively a month later,
when the Protestant nobles entered Edinburgh, and as
it was haughtily rejected a parliament of nobles and
commons, in the name of the king and queen, solemnly
suspended the Eegent from her office. A council of
the leading Protestant nobles, with four ministers to
advise them, was chosen to carry on the government.

The next step in the revolutionary movement should
have been the siege of Leith, but the reformers had no
engineers among them ; their undisciplined troops were
repulsed at the first assault, and two successful sallies
made by the French completed their discouragement.
They were obliged to abandon Edinburgh and retreat
to Stirling. Knox succeeded in rekindling their
ardour, and Maitland was sent to the English court to
ask for more effectual aid than Elizabeth had yet
granted. If Scotland was in peril, the peril threatened
England also. It was known that the Marquis of
Elboeuf was collecting a great force in the French
harbours to invade Scotland, and his commission
extended to the invasion of England also. The Scotch
reformers did not hesitate to offer their country itself
to Elizabeth, abandoning Mary Stuart as their sover-
eign. Knox entreated Cecil that England should no
longer dissemble her favour toward them.

Elizabeth at last allowed Cecil's policy to prevail.
Winter was sent to the Forth with a fleet to prevent
the arrival of the troops from France, though Avith

114 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Elizabeth's characteristic timidity he was ordered to
pretend that he did it on his own responsibility. The
Duke of Norfolk was sent with an army to Berwick.
The elements favoured the fortunes of England ;
D'Elboeuf's great fleet was entirely shattered by a
storm. Elizabeth entered into a formal treaty with
the Scotch, in which " for the defence of the ancient
liberties of the kingdom " she took Scotland under her
protection, but with a proviso that nothing was in-
tended to the prejudice of the lawful authority of Mary
Stuart (1560). The English troops advanced to the
siege of Leith, and after a gallant defence the French
were compelled to negotiate. The Regent Mary, who
had been the soul of French influence in Scotland,
died in June. On July 7th the treaty of Edinburgh
was signed between the representatives of France in
Scotland and Elizabeth's commissioners. The French
troops were obliged to evacuate Scotland, and the
government was left in the hands of the reformers ;
no special settlement of religious differences was made,
but the Parliament which followed formally abolished
the papal and established the protestant worship.

The importance, not for Scotland only, but for
England and Europe, of the events concluded by this
treaty cannot be too highly rated. For the first time
Europe saw a great popular revolution successfully
accomplished — a sovereign deposed and a religion
changed by the will of the people. While the dread
of resisting authority was hampering the Reformation
in France, Knox was boldly cutting the knot. The
quickening of the political life of the people was
shown in the Parliament of 1560, when, for the first
time for seventy-seven years, representatives from all

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 115

the boroughs appeared. The high ideal of Knox and
his comrades was, that a free and ediicated nation
should henceforth govern its own destinies. Schools
were to be set up in every parish, and universities in
every large town, out of the wealth of the fallen
church. The greed of the nobles hindered the fuU
accomplishment of this noble scheme ; but Scotland
owes it to her ministers that she is still the land where
the peasantry value culture more than wealth. If the
Scotch Reformation had its Aveak side and its unworthy
elements, still honour should be given where honour
is due. And Englishmen may rejoice that, after the
wrongs of three hundred years, it was the sister king-
dom which came to the help of Scotland in her hour
of need, and finished for her the task Avhich she had
begun, but which was too great for her unaided
strength. With this solid help rendered, with the
common aim of the two nations avowed and accepted,
the real union of England and Scotland began.

The national party in Scotland — as the reforming
party may well be called — had set their hearts on the
marriage between Arran and Elizabeth, which would
have united the crowns of England and Scotland. A
petition was sent to Elizabeth from the Scotch Estates,
imploring her to accept this marriage. But it would
not have been easy to bring Elizabeth to so open a
contempt of the rights of Mary Stuart, even if she
had not personally disliked the half-witted Arran. She
declined the match, to the great vexation of the
Scotch. Just about this time (1560) the death of
Francis II. caused a complete change in French
politics. The Protestant leaders in France were saved
from destruction, and it was impossible for the Guises

Ii6 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

to take their intended revenge for tlie treaty of
Edinburgh. Their power was completely overthrown,
and Avas grasped by the queen -mother, Catharine de
Medici, a poor little shrivelled soul who was willing
to sell anything for the possession of power, but
who saw that the only way to keep power for the
present was to be at peace with both Protestants and
Catholics.

Mary Stuart returns to Scotland, 1561. — Mary
Stuart had been educated at the court of Catharine de
Medici. She was naturally a woman of great intelli-
gence and strong feelings. Under good training she
might have become a noble character. In the licentious
court of France, while her intellect received all the
development and polish which the Eenascence could
give, her moral nature was stunted and twisted. She
grew up with little or no idea of moral obligation, or
of the duties which sovereigns owe to their subjects ;
nor had she any nobler guides in her own life than
ambition and passion. Her greatest virtue was her
fidelity to her friends ; but she was equally constant
in her resentments. Of her beauty, her dauntless
courage, her extraordinary personal charm, we need not
speak ; for have they not thrown dust into men's eyes
ever since she lived 1

Mary Stuart had been the star of the French court
during the lifetime of her father-in-law Henry II,
She had tasted for a brief time the delights of royalty
as queen of Francis II. Though she keenly felt the
banishment from the pleasant land of her youth, she
probably preferred to be supreme in Scotland rather
than to be eclipsed by her mother-in-law in France.
Trained and advised by the Guises, she went to Scot-

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 117

land to restore her fatherland to Catholicism and the
French alliance. She sent before her to Scotland the
ambassador Noailles, to demand that the treaty of
Edinburgh should be cancelled, the old league with
France renewed, and the Romish priests restored to
their benefices. But she little understood the revolu-
tion which had lately taken place in Scotland. The
Estates answered "that they could not dissolve the
league with England without a brand of the greatest
ingratitude imaginable, in recompensing so great a
courtesy with the highest injury, which it certainly
would be to join against those who had been the
deliverers of their country."

Mary Stuart saw at once that she must bend to
circumstances before she could control them; and
though the Catholic party in Scotland offered to seat
her on the throne by a force of 20,000 men, she re-
fused the offer, and preferred to temporize with the
party of the reformers till the moment should come
when she could overthrow them. But one concession
she refused which ought to have opened their eyes to
her real policy : she refused to ratify the treaty of
Edinburgh. She so far gained the mastery over her
half-brother. Lord James Stuart, who was sent by the
Protestants to invite her to Scotland, that he wrote to
Elizabeth, asking that before Mary signed the treaty
of Edinburgh she should be recognized as Elizabeth's
successor. Elizabeth knew perfectly well that to
appoint the Catholic princess as her successor would
be to offer every inducement for her own assassination.
She refused Mary a free passage through England,
foreseeing the risk to her own throne which it would
cause ; and she wrote to remonstrate with the Scotch

Ii8 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Estates on their weakness in not insisting on the
ratification of the treaty.

Mary Stuart came to Scotland, but not to reign.
The Protestants were entirely masters of the situation.
Her chief officers of state were all Protestants, and the
real direction of affairs was in the hands of Lord
James Stuart, whom she created Earl of Murray. She
was obhged to publish a declaration that no change
should be wrought in religion ; but though she thus
temporized, she gave up no jot of her ambition, and
was secretly determined to seat herself one day upon
the throne of England. Had she been as steadfast of
purpose as she was crafty and captivating she might
have succeeded. For a girl of nineteen, her know-
ledge of the world and influence over others was
marvellous. Left almost alone in a country which
was out of sympathy with her, she set herself to
accomplish by craft that which was impossible to force.
Everybody was charmed with her, and the Lords of
Scotland sent an answer to Elizabeth's letter which
was nothing short of a defiance. Knox alone saw
through her, and judged that the lest^ons of the Guises
were deeply printed in her heart. She entered into
an amicable correspondence with Elizabeth about the
ratification of the treaty of Edinburgh; and Elizabeth,
who seems to have been sincerely desirous to trust
Mary, became willing to consider the question of
appointing her as her successor. An interview at
Nottingham was arranged for ; and it was with diffi-
culty that Elizabeth's council persuaded her to abandon
the scheme, fearing the Catholic sympathies of the
northern counties. Mary had to swallow her vexation,
and to follow her brother on an expedition to the

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 119

Highlands, where he crushed the Earl of Hmitly, the
only powerful champion that Catholicism possessed in
Scotland.

So wholly had Murray and the Secretary of Scot-
land (Maitland) forgotten the cause of Protestantism,
that they were now seconding Mary's ambitious desire
to marry Don Carlos, the heir of Philip II., a marriage
which would have brought Elizabeth and Protestantism
between the hammer and the anvil. These negotia-
tions had not gone far before they were found out by
Knox and reported to Cecil. Knox was now the sole
defender in Scotland of the interests of the two realms
and of Protestantism. From the feeble vantage-
ground of the pulpit he boldly attacked the Spanish
marriage and the vacillating poHcy of the Protestant
leaders. "The voice of that one man," says the
English ambassador Eandolph, " is able in an hour to
put more life into us than six hundred trumpets con-
tinually blustering in our ears." His uncompromising
faithfulness brought about a quarrel between him and
Murray, but the hold which he had on the nation
was too strong for the attacks of the court.

Mary marries Darnley. — The Don Carlos marriage
was never realized, owing to the irresolution of Philip,
and the signs of brain disease which were abeady
showing in the unhappy prince. Mary turned her
thoughts to another marriage, which seemed to i^romise
her the aid of the English Catholics in her ambitious
designs on Elizabeth's throne. Henry Stuart, Lord
Darnley, eldest son of the Earl of Lennox and Lady
Margaret Douglas, was descended from the kings of
Scotland by his father, and from Henry VII. of
England by his mother, the daughter of Margaret

I20 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Tudor. The descendants of Margaret had been set
aside in the settlement of the succession made by
Henry VIII. ; but to those who regarded that settle-
ment as unlawful, Henry Stuart was the rightful heir
to the English crown after Mary, and had the
advantage of sex. A marriage with him would
greatly strengthen Mary's claims on England; for
Darnley was the favourite candidate of the English
Catholics, who, as Elizabeth's ministers well knew,
still formed about two-thirds of the population. To
throw Elizabeth oif her guard, Mary played with the
offer which Elizabeth now made her of her own
favourite, Robert Dudley, as a husband. She offered
Mary that if she would marry him, she would
nominate her as her successor. But she did not trust
Mary sufficiently to allow the recognition as successor
to precede the marriage ; while Mary, who had not the
smallest idea of marrying Dudley, insisted that the
recognition must come first. So entirely were the
English queen and her ministers deceived by this
negotiation that the Earl of Lennox and his son were
allowed to return to Scotland. Thus before Elizabeth
had time to protest against the marriage it was
announced to her as a thing already determined (1565).
Fall of Murray. — Murray and the Protestant
nobles, who saw that their rule was at an end if the
Darnley marriage were concluded, opposed it with much
show of Protestant zeal. Mary succeeded in gaining over
Maitland to her side, but Murray, who had more to
lose, could by no persuasions be won. Mary parted
from him in anger, declaring that he meant to put the
crown on his o^vn head. Murray very soon took
measures to justify her suspicions. He applied to

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 121

Randolph for assistance from Elizabeth, offering to
seize Lennox and Darnley, and send them to Berwick.
He made no request for troops, undertaking to do the
work with his own followers, and those of the
Protestant lords, if Elizabeth would furnish them
with £3000. The attempt was foiled by Mary's
swiftness, and Murray found himself in the position
of a rebel. He again appealed for help to England,
and met with an encouraging answer.

It is difficult to defend Elizabeth from the
reproach of having encouraged Murray's rebellion with
false proinises. She sent a peremptory order to
Lennox and Darnley to return to England, yet she
only feebly protested when Mary accomplished the
marriage. Murray could not induce the citizens of
Edinburgh to support him ; and Mary, with her usual
promptitude and energy, took the field against the
Lords of the Congregation, and drove them towards
the Border. Elizabeth then sent the £3000 which
had been asked, and made further vague promises of
help ; but she did not allow her troops at Berwick to
advance one step. Mary marched to the Border with
a large force, and Murray and his friends were obliged
to flee into England. Elizabeth allowed them a
refuge there, but treated Murray as a traitor to his
sovereign, and arranged a scene in which she oljliged
him to confess before the French ambassador that he
had acted without encouragement from her.

Nevertheless the difficulties and dangers of EKza-
beth's position must be remembered. The English
Catholics were united round Mary Stuart by the
Darnley marriage, and an open interference in Scot-
land might produce, as her own Council feared, an

122 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

explosion in England, She distrusted Murray as
mucli as the Edinburgh citizens had done ; and it
was not surprising, though it was not honourable,
that she should be willing to let him do his worst in
Scotland, to profit by him if successful, and to disown
him if he failed. She was only treating him as he
had treated her about the treaty of Edinburgh.

The expulsion of Murray made Mary for the first
time queen in Scotland. She could not yet afford to
break openly with the Protestant party ; but in secret
she was preparing for the restoration of the Catholic
religion. She recalled to court the Earl of Bothwell,
Murray's personal enemy, who had been outlawed for
treason, and who was destined shortly to become the
evil star of her own destiny. Gordon, son of the
Earl of Huntly, whom Murray had crushed, was also
recalled from banishment, and restored to his large
estates. David Rizzio, an Italian musician, who had
risen so high in her favour as to become her private
secretary, and was suspected of being her lover, had
now supreme influence in her counsels ; and his in-
fluence was always for rigorous measures against
Murray and the lords who had been outlawed with
him. A Parliament was summoned for March which
was to pass an Act of attainder against them, and to
re-estabhsh the Catholic religion in Scotland (1566).

The Murder of Rizzio, 1566.^ — But it was not long
before Mary found out that Darnley was a vulgar,
vicious young man, with a most disagreeable temper,
and they quickly became estranged. The efi'ect of
this was to bring about a conspiracy between Darnley,
who beHeved his honour to be betrayed, and the
exiled nobles, the object of which was to remove

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 123

Rizzio from Mary's councils, to give the crown -matri-
monial to Darnley, who Avas henceforth to have the
supreme authority ; to re-establish the Protestant re-
ligion, and to restore Mvirray and his friends to their
estates and dignities. Randolph, Knox, Cecil, and
Elizabeth were made privy to this plot. How Rizzio
was to be punished was not specified ; but it is
probable that some form of justice was intended,
and that the brutal murder which followed resulted
chiefly from the heated passions of the actors in that
bloody scene.

We need not relate the well-known story of Rizzio's
murder. On the day after its accomplishment Murray
and his friends returned to Edinburgh, and Darnley
dissolved the Parliament which was about to attaint
them ; but all the conspirators together were no
match for Mary. Throbbing with hatred and revenge
for the murder of her favourite, she controlled herself
to act the part of a woman who submits to the in-
evitable. In two days, by her arts and blandishments,
she detached Darnley from the other conspirators ; by
his means she escaped from Edinburgh. She summoned
the Earls of Bothwell, Huntly, and Athol to her
side, and in less than a week she returned to Edin-
burgh more powerful than ever. Making it her
supreme object to punish those immediately con-
cerned in Rizzio's murder, she reconciled herself to
Murray ; but Ruthven, Morton, and all who had
taken part in the fatal deed, as well as Knox and
Maitland, had to take flight across the Border.

Mary falls in love with Bothioell. — Mary reconciled
herself to her brother only because she was not strong
enough to strike him. Nor did she attempt to strike

124 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

at Protestantism. Her personal vengeance and her
political schemes were deferred till opportunity should
be ripe. By the birth of her son, in June, 1566,
afterwards James VI., her position became infinitely
stronger, and her chances greater of displacing Eliza-
beth. Could she have kept the peace with her husband,
she had a fair prospect of heading a revolution which
should overthrow Elizabeth and the Protestant party.
The English Catholics, with many of whom she was
in correspondence, would have received her with
enthusiasm ; the Pope and the king of Spain would
have backed her. But at the very moment when the
prize of her ambition was almost within her grasp,
another object became dearer to her than ambition,
dearer even than revenge. She had fallen desperately
in love with the Earl of Both well. It was this which
caused the slackening of her hand after the birth of
her son. She pardoned Maitland, and appeared cordial
with all her nobility. She seemed willing to enter
into the bond proposed by Elizabeth, by which she
was tacitly recognised as her successor, under her
pledge to do nothing against Elizabeth during her life-
time. One thought Avas really engrossing her mind,
how to get rid of her husband, not now from revenge,
but because he was the obstacle to her marriage with
BothweU. She became despondent and unhappy, and
was often heard to say that she wished she were dead.
Maitland saw his opportunity, and offered to find
means to divorce her from her husband if she would
pardon Morton and Euthven. She consented, and
Argyle, Bothwell, Huntly, and Maitland entered into
a compact to " put forth " Darnley " by one way or
other." There seems to be great probability that Murray

UNITED BY PROTESTANTISM. 125

knew of the plot, but quietly allowed the queen to
ruin herself.

Murder of Darnley, February Wi, 1567. — The deed
was done ; Darnley was lured by Mary herself to a
lonely house near Edinburgh, murdered there in the
night by Both well or his agents, and the house blown
up. But with that house of Kirk-o'-field the fortune
of Mary Stuart was blown into the air.

CHAPTEE X.

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM IN ENGLAND
AND SCOTLAND.

The Fall of Mary Stuart, 1567. — It was soon
apparent that no proper inquiry would be made into
Darnley's murder, and that the queen would marry
BothweU, the man whom everybody pointed at as the
murderer. Murray, seeing that she was bent on
destroying herself, withdrew into France until the
pear should be ripe, and should drop into his hand.

All Mary's past ambitions were now thrown to the
winds. Her first communication with Elizabeth after
the murder was coupled with an offer to ratify the
treaty of Edinburgh. In the Parliament which met
in April the laws made against heretics were for the
first time formally abolished. So utterly did Mary
abandon the championship of Catholicism that she
married BothweU with Protestant rites, and adopted
the religion which was nominally her husband's (May,
1567). But Nemesis was at her heels. The nobles
of Scotland, many of them implicated in the murder
of Darnley, had been cowed or bribed into consenting
to the concealment of the queen's and Bothwell's
guilt. They had even, to their eternal disgrace, been
induced at a drunken feast to sign a bond, pledging

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 127

themselves to promote the marriage. But the eleva-
tion of Both well to supreme power united them against
him, and before a month had passed after the marriage
Catholics and Protestants formed a coalition against
him and the queen. Mary's forces melted away around
her when she met the insurgents at Carberry Hill ; she
was carried a prisoner to Edinburgh, and Bothwell
had to flee the country, never to return (1567). Mary
was shut up in Lochleven Castle, and obliged to sign
an abdication in favour of her infant son, who was
immediately crowned at Stirling as James VI. Murray
was recalled from France to undertake the regency of
the kingdom during the minority of the king.

The Protestant party in England naturally regarded
the revolution which had taken place in Scotland with
great satisfaction ; but not so Elizabeth. Had she
beheld in vision the scaffold of Charles I., she could
not have seen more distinctly the results which would
follow from the admission of the doctrine that rulers
are responsible to their subjects. Against this doctrine
she fought in the teeth of her own interests and the
advice of her ministers. She protested against Mary's
despotism, and refused to acknowledge Murray's
regency. It was owing to the efforts of her ambassador
that Mary's life was saved, so strong was public feeling
against her in Scotland. But Elizabeth was warned
that further interference would only heighten the
peril in which her cousin stood. She therefore secretly
encouraged the Hamiltons to resist Murray.

Mary driven from Scotland, 1568. — The Hamiltons
were playing a treacherous and selfish game, the object
of which was to get Mary into their possession, marry
her to the heir of their house, and thus rise to supreme

128 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

power themselves. In May, 1568, Mary suddenly
escaped from Lochleven. The Hamiltons, Argyle,
Huntly, nearly all the most powerful of the Scotch
nobility, gathered round her, and in a few days she
was surrounded by an army of 6000 men. Murray
was taken by surprise, but at this juncture he displayed
the firmness and ability which were the best features
of his character. The lords who were the kernel of
the old Protestant party stood by him, the cities of
Edinburgh and Glasgow declared for him, and at the
battle of Langside he utterly shattered the queen's
army ; and Mary herself fled from the field, hopeless
and hapless. Eelying on promises of help which
Elizabeth had too freely given, and knowing that she
had no longer any chance of life in Scotland, Mary
threw herself into Elizabeth's power by taking refuge
over the Border.

A new period now opens in Elizabeth's history.
Her most dangerous enemy was given into her hands,
but new perils were to arise out of her detention.
These indeed were clearly foreseen by Elizabeth and
her ministers, yet they decided that it was the least of
many evils to keep her. The insurrections and plots
would probably have come even if Mary had not been
a prisoner ; for Ehzabeth's wise holding of the balance
between Catholics and Protestants had only delayed,
not averted, a struggle of the Catholics to regain
supremacy. And the fact that she had Mary in her
own hands rendered all insurrections and plots un-
availing.

First English Conspiracy in favour of Mary, 1569. —
It is impossible in this brief history to describe all the
vacillations of Elizabeth's policy. She moved forward

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 129

only in the most tortuous curves, and every step was
involved in hesitation and contradiction. Her first
measure was to bring Mary to a sort of trial. She
claimed the position of a superior in doing this ; and
though the Scotch denied this superiority as resolutely
as ever, yet both Mary and Murray had invited her
interference, the one by demanding permission to
justify herself in Elizabeth's presence, the other by
offering to demonstrate her guilt. The trial was begun
at York, and concluded at Hampton Court. Mary
was not allowed to appear ; her advocates met the pro-
duction of the celebrated casket-letters* only by
denying the right of subjects to accuse their sovereign,
and declaring the conference at an end. Elizabeth
having given to her own Catholic nobles the clear
proofs of Mary's guilt, was content to hush up the
matter. But already a plot was brewing to put Mary
at the head of the English Catholics, and marry her to
the Duke of Norfolk, the first nobleman in England,
who, though openly a Protestant, was a CathoHc at
heart. Through the weakness of Norfolk's action, he
was arrested before he had time to raise a revolt ; but
his detention did not prevent a rising in the North of
England, under the Earls of Northumberland and
Westmoreland, the professed object of which was to
restore Catholicism, remove evil councillors from the
queen, and confirm Mary's title to the succession. The
Duke of Alva was expected to assist with troops from
the Netherlands. But the insurrection failed precisely
because it was impossible to set free Mary, who was

* A name given to some letters of Mary's to Bothwell, found
in a silver casket. Their genuineness is still controverted by

I30 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

removed to a safer prison on the first news of danger.
The earls hesitated instead of pressing forward, the
Duke of Alva would not stir till he heard of some
decisive success ; the troops of Elizabeth gathered, the
rebel army melted away, and the earls took flight over
the Border. The greatest peril that Elizabeth had
yet known passed harmlessly by, but the terror that it
had caused was seen in the cruelty with which it was
avenged.

Murder of Murray, 1570. — The Earl of Northum-
berland having fallen into the hands of the Eegent
Murray, his extradition was demanded by EHzabeth,
and the Eegent in return demanded the extradition of
his sister Mary. But while this negotiation was stOl
pending, Murray was murdered by one of the
Hamiltons, to the great joy of his sister and her
partizans. This murder caused three years of anarchy
in Scotland. The party of Mary raised its head
again, and was joined by Maitland. The Duke of
Chatelherault (who had been imprisoned by Murray)
was set at liberty, and the Hamiltons took possession
of Edinburgh. The greater part of the nobles were
on Mary's side, but the commons were determined
never to have her to reign over them again. Elizabeth
dared not openly support the young king, lest she
should provoke the interference of Charles IX., who
had just defeated the Huguenots at Moncontour.
But she found a pretext for intervention in punishing
the Borderers who had been committing raids mto
England, with the help of the English refugees from
the late rebellion, and the Hamiltons, who were
sheltering the traitor Earl of Westmoreland. Sussex
and Scrope ravaged the lands of the Border lords, and

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 131

Sir William Drury destroyed the palaces of the
Hamiltons at Hamilton and Linlithgow, and laid waste
their territories. Drury brought with him to Scotland
the Earl of Lennox, who was made Eegent. Drury
might easily have crushed the party of Mary entirely,
but Elizabeth would not permit him to do more for
fear of exciting French interference. Moreover she
mistrusted Morton, who was now the chief of the
Protestant leaders, and " thought the whole cause full
of doubt."

The danger of her own position was greatly increased
by the publication in London of the bull of Pius V.,
excommunicating her, and forbidding her subjects to re-
cognize her as queen (1570). Elizabeth believed (though
she was mistaken) that the excommunication was
issued with the approval of France and Spain. A
general combination of the Great Powers against her
seemed inevitable, and in this extremity the restoration
of Mary, on terms which should ensure Elizabeth's
safety and that of the Protestant party in Scotland,
seemed to her the measure most recommended by
prudence. To the intense vexation of the Protestant
party, therefore, negotiations for this end were begun.
A tripartite treaty between England, France, and
Scotland was proposed ; and in spite of her aversion
to marriage, Elizabeth appeared to be intending to
secure herself on the side of France by marrying
Henry, Duke of Anjou, brother of Charles IX. This
matrimonial negotiation protected her for a long time
from French attacks, though so tortuous was the
policy of all governments at that time, that the French
court did not cease all the time to send money to the
cause of Mary Stuart in Scotland.

132 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

The popular voice in Scotland, however, made itself
heard against the restoration of Mary. The General
Assembly of the Kirk passed a resolution that she
should never more be queen ; and when Morton was
sent for to London to conclude the treaty with Mary,
he refused to have anything to do with it. (1571.)
This closed the question for the time, and before it
could be resumed affairs had taken a new turn.

The Ridolfi Plot, 1571.— When Mary heard that
the treaty for her release had not been concluded, and
that a marriage negotiation was in progress between
Elizabeth and her first husband's brother, she gave
up all hopes from Elizabeth or France, and turned
herseK wholly to Spain. She began to weave the
threads of the plot known in history as the Kidolfi
Plot, from the name of the agent who carried on the
negotiations between herself, the Duke of Alva, the
Pope, and Philip. Philip had up to this time been
the reluctant protector of EHzabeth through jealousy
of France. The expected alliance between Elizabeth
and France, the pressure of the Pope, and the
assurances given by Mary's friends of the ease with
which Alva might effect an invasion of England,
swung him round to the side of the Catholic queen,
and the murder of Elizabeth was gravely discussed at
the Escurial. But neither of the two conspiring
parties could trust the other ; the Spaniards refused to
act till the English had struck, and the English
Catholics would not move without help from Spain.
In September, Cecil, who had long been on the scent,
discovered the secret. The Duke of Norfolk, the
head of the English nobiHty, was executed for his
share in the plot. Another dangerous crisis was

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 133

safely passed, and Avith it the hopes of the Catholic
reaction, which perished when the first nobleman in
England laid his head on the block.

As the ascendency which Coligny and his friends
were now exercising at the French court seemed to
promise Elizabeth security against a French invasion
of Scotland on Mary's behalf, she was now able to
drop the Anjou marriage, while still keeping the
French alliance. The war between the partizans of
Mary and those of her son went on more fiercely
than ever in Scotland. The Regent Lennox met with
a violent death, and his successor. Mar, was suspected
to have been carried off by poison ; but though the
united English clergy and both Houses of Parliament
petitioned Elizabeth to execute justice upon Mary for
the sake of her own safety,- she would not consent.
All she did was to allow the publication in England of
Buchanan's Detection of the Doings of Mary Queen
of Scots, in which Mary's crimes were fully exposed.
It was another step towards making her restoration
impossible.

Elizabeth completes the Suppression of Mary's
Party. — After the treaty of Blois, between France
and England, had been signed (1572) Elizabeth was
free to interfere in Scotland. By her envoy, Sir
William Drury, she succeeded in negotiating a truce
between the two parties, with the stipulation that the
Estates should assemble shortly to conclude a general
peace. Before this could happen news of the horrible
massacre of St. Bartholomew's Eve in France roused
the utmost indignation in all Protestant lands (1572).
It had the greatest possible effect in Scotland in
strengthening the Protestant party, and awakening

134 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

a desire for a closer league with England. It led
eventually to the step which Elizabeth had so long
delayed — her recognition of James as king. This
step was at last brought about by the firmness of
Elizabeth's envoy, Sir Henry Killigrew, and of the
Earl of Morton, who had succeeded Mar in the
regency. Elizabeth supplied Morton with money,
and undertook the support of his government. The
effect was immediate. At the Pacification of Perth
(1573) the Hamiltons, Argyle, and Huntly acknow-
ledged James, and submitted to the regency of Morton.
The only place in Scotland that still held out for
Mary was Edinburgh Castle, where by a strange turn
of events Maitland, who had once been the ally of
Knox, and Kirkaldy of Grange, who had been one of
the murderers of Beaton, refused to submit to Morton,
expecting help from the Guises, who now had re-
covered the upper hand in France. But the troops
sent by the Guises were wrecked off Scarborough.
Elizabeth sent Drury with a force to assist Morton.
Edinburgh Castle was attacked with all the military
resources of the age, and compelled to surrender,
Maitland died soon after he was captured, and
Kirkaldy was hung. Mary's faction in Scotland
was at an end.

The third Catholic Conspiracy, 1583. — We can
only briefly note the steps which led to the final
league between Elizabeth and James. As James
grew older he fell under the influence of the Guises,
and Mary's party began to cherish new schemes. The
government of Morton was overthrown, and Morton
himself brought to the scaffold. The Jesuits had now
become the real heads of the Catholic world. Their

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 135

secret missions in England began in 1580; and they
had concerted a vast scheme for the overthrow of
Elizabeth, which was to be carried out by a Papal
invasion of Ireland, the re-establishment of the
influence of the Guises in Scotland, and the invasion
of England by the Duke of Guise. The two first items
of the programme were carried out ; but the firmness
of the Protestant ministers re-established Elizabeth's
party in Scotland. By an exploit known as the Raid
of Ruthven, James was forcibly taken out of the
hands of the agents of the Guises, and they had to
leave the country.

The third part of the scheme had fair hopes of
success. Mary had consented to associate her son
with herself on the throne. The leading Catholic
noblemen in England had promised a force estimated
at about 20,000 men. Parma, Philip's general in the
Netherlands, was to send 4000 men to Guise. The
Pope's bull was ready, and soundings had been taken
of the harbour of Rye. Philip was to furnish a fleet
for the transport of the French and Spanish forces.
James escaped from the Protestant party, and wrote a
letter to Guise welcoming his invasion ; but the
habitual slowness of Spain prevented the despatch of
a fleet during the summer of 1583. The fair season
passed away, and in November Mary's agent, Throg-
morton, confessed on the rack the whole scheme.
England was put on her guard, and once more the
plots of the Catholic world were shattered.

Elizabeth makes a League with James, 1586. —
Elizabeth disliked James far more than his mother,
and clung almost to the last to the hope of restoring
Mary by an amicable treaty. Mary, who was getting

136 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

desperate with hope long delayed, was ready -wdth
almost any concessions, but she expected that her son
would work for her restoration, and that he would at
least consent that she should he associated with him on
the throne. When therefore Elizabeth sent her a
letter of James's, in which he denied having ever con-
sented to any such association, and in which he made
it quite plain that he was ready to sell her interests to
secure his own, she cursed her son, and declared her
intention of disinheriting him. Elizabeth meanwhile
was being driven by the course of events towards alli-
ance with James. The assassination of the Prince of
Orange in 1584, and the alarm which it caused for her
own life ; the outbreak in France of the Avar of the
League, in Avhich the Duke of Guise combined with
the king of Spain for the overthrow of religious
toleration in France, warned Elizabeth to make close
alliance with the only powers which could give her
help. After many sad vacillations the great step was
taken at last. She entered into a treaty with the
revolted states of the Netherlands (1585); and the
same year she allowed the Protestant leaders, whom
James had banished, to return to Scotland. Once
more Protestantism and the English alliance were
masters of the field, and the unworthy favourite who
had become master of James was driven out of the
country. The next year, the League, so long discussed
between Elizabeth and James, was signed at Berwick.
Elizabeth granted James £4000 a year, and without
openly recognising him as her successor, tacitly did so
by engaging that nothing should be done to diminish
any greatness that might be due to him, unless pro-
voked by manifest ingratitude on his part.

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 137

The, Bahington Conspiracy. — Wlien Mary heard of
the conclusion of this league, she carried out her
threat of disinheriting James, and bequeathed all her
rights in Scotland and England to Philip II. He was
now her only hope ; but as Spain had always been
slow to move as long as the ground was unprepared in
England, she threw herself with ardour into a plot
for the assassination of Elizabeth, a measure which had
always been recommended by Spain as a necessary pre-
liminary of any successful scheme of invasion, and
which was now cordially supported by the Spanish
ambassador Mendoza. This was the famous Babington
conspiracy, contrived between John Ballard, a priest,
and Anthony Babington, a young Catholic gentleman
of good fortune. Besides the Spanish ambassador,
six of Elizabeth's personal servants were concerned in it,
and had undertaken to kill her. Her murder was to
lie followed by that of Cecil and Walsinghani ; and it
was expected that an immediate revolution would
ensue, in the midst of which the Prince of Parma
could land an army from the Netherlands, take posses-
sion of England for his master, and liberate Mary.

Execution of Mary Stuart, 1587. — Little was Mary
aware that, even before she had been made privy to
this plot, the ingenious Walsinghani, who by surround-
ing Elizabeth with his spies had preserved her life
from the hands of the Jesuits for many years, had
contrived a scheme whereby the whole of her corres-
pondence from Chartley Manor, where she was now
confined, should pass under his own eye. The unhappy
queen, unhappy in her character even more than in
her destiny, walked blindfold into the snare which
brought her to the block. When sufficient proof had

138 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

accumulated against her, she was brought to trial,
condemned, and executed at Fotheringay Castle.

It was part of the irony of fate that Elizabeth, who
so deeply desired to uphold the majesty of monarchical
government, should thus be made the instrument
of the execution of justice on a monarchical culprit ;
that she, who cared so little for Protestantism that she
would gladly have found some tolerable way of reconcilia-
tion with Eome, should have struck down the champion
of Romanism in her own island. Vainly did she
strive to throw the responsibility of the deed on her
secretary Davison ; yet the miserable farce which kept
him a prisoner in the Tower for the rest of his life,
availed as a sop to the resentment of James of Scot-
land, who was only too glad of a pretext for enjoying
his pension in peace, without being troubled to avenge
his mother.

Tlie Spanish Armada. — But the execution of Mary
Queen of Scots was a move which caused an entire
change on the pohtical chessboard. It cleared the
way for Philip's invasion of England on his own
account, as the Catholic champion, the avenger of
Mary's wrongs, no longer hampered with her interests
or her son's. The mortal duel between Catholicism
and Protestantism, so dreaded by Elizabeth, so long
staved oflf from England by her policy, drew nigh her
shores. The great Armada sailed at length for
England, and was beaten back, a shattered vmeck,
partly by English valour, partly by those winds and
storms which had so often fought for Elizabeth (1588).
Scotland and England were united in sympathy
when the terror of the great Armada was threatening
England and Protestantism. The triumph of England

TRIUMPH OF PROTESTANTISM. 139

settled the relations of England and Scotland in a
peaceful course for the rest of Elizabeth's reign,
Elizabeth had many perils to surmount, but they no
longer found a leverage in Scotland. If James was
sometimes tempted to begin intrigues with the
Catholic powers in order to forestall his future
greatness, wiser counsels led him to see that his best
chance lay in patience. In 1600 Elizabeth increased
his allowance to £6000 a jear. Sir Robert Cecil, who
had succeeded to his father's influence with the queen,
was one of those who were chiefly instrumental in
keeping James quiet during the last years of Elizabeth's
reign, and thus preparing the way for his peaceful
accession to the English throne. To the last Elizabeth
kept to her resolution not to name a successor ; but
she had already tacitly acknowledged James's claim,
and on her deathbed she named him openly. There
were other candidates to the English throne. The
extreme Catholics desired the daughter of Philip II.,
who was descended from a daughter of Edward III. ;
while by Henry VIII. 's will the descendants of his
sister Mary, Duchess of Sulfolk, had been declared the
true heirs. But the execution of Queen Mary had
removed most of the objections to the accession of the
house of Stuart, and it was without any opposition
that James entered England as king in April, 1603.

CHAPTER XL

ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND WORKING
TOGETHER.

We have now reached a date at which we can see that
the result of all the sufFering caused by the separation
of England and Scotland was to create in Scotland a
reserve of English force, which should be the salvation
of England in the supreme crisis of her liberties. The
spark that kindled the great Puritan revolution came
from Scotland,

Jameses Project of Union fails. — It was with no very
friendly feelings that the English and Scotch nations
became united under the government of James Stuart.
They were unconscious of their deep kinship in blood,
which showed itself in kindred thoughts, kindred
ability, and a kindred love of freedom. It was James's
wish to bring about a complete union in laws and
government between the two nations. But he wished,
as was said at the time, to marry them without allow-
ing time for courtship. The vulgar prejudices of both
countries were too strong for such a union, and all the
liberal eloquence of Bacon was unable to persuade the
English Parliament of 1607 to do more than abolish
the hostile laws, such as those which made passports
necessary between the two countries, James himself

WORKING TOGETHER. 141

hindered the union by an attempt to enforce the right
of a Scotch subject to hold kxnd in England by the
mere exercise of his prerogative without any action of
Parliament. This made the English Parliament more
adverse to a right settlement than it had been before,
and the far more important questions of freedom of
commerce between the two countries, and parliamen-
tary union, had to be indefinitely postponed. But the
real union of the two nations was brought about by
their common resistance to the tyranny of the Stuarts.

The Causes of the English Revolution. — To under-
stand the conflict in which England and Scotland
became involved with the the house of Stuart, we
must grasp the fact which lay in the nature of things,
that whenever the Papal power was cut off in any
country a struggle was certain to take place between
king and people for the division of that power. And
further, it lay in the very nature of that conflict that
it should end in a struggle for the division of political
power.

In England the king had taken the initiative in the
Reformation. The Pope's shoes, which Henry VIII.
stepped into, were the most important part of the
spoil of the Church. The law-abiding English nation,
conscious of the greatness and danger of the crisis
through which it was passing, allowed both Henry and
Elizabeth to wear those shoes without any quarrel.
But all through Elizabeth's reign the voice of Parlia-
ment was heard from time to time, claiming to interfere
with what she regarded as the most precious jewel of
her crown — her supremacy in ecclesiastical affairs.

The Position of the CJmrch in Scotlajid. — In Scot-
land, on the other hand, the Reformation had been the

142 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

work of the people. They had vested the ancient
jiowers of the Church, not in the king, but in popular
assemblies. The Church which they had set up was
thus doubly their own, and they loved it and clave to
it with all the intensity of the Scotch character. The
Scotch Parliament did not, like the English, represent
the national will ; it was the mere tool of the king.
The General Assemblies of the Church were the sole
defenders of the rights and interests of the people.
The struggle which James entered into with the minis-
ters was really a struggle of the same nature as that
between William Eufus and Anselm. Anselm and
the Scotch ministers were defending the cause of
the people against a king who wished to be supreme
over the Church. The absence of a truly representa-
tive Parliament in Scotland, the great powers possessed
by the nobles, and the disorder consequent on their
lawlessness, rendered the independence and the demo-
cratic government of the Church most necessary and
most dear to the Scotch people.

James restores Episcopacy in Scotland, 1600. — But
a king who regarded his authority as something divine
could not favour a democratic church, and James
steadily aimed at the restoration of Episcopacy in
Scotland, because it seemed the best way of securing
the orderly government of the Church, and its sub-
jection to the State, the Bishops being always appointed
by the Crown. He would gladly have used the support
of the Papists as a balance against the dictation of the
Protestants; but he was thwarted by the ministers,
one of whom told him that he was " God's silly vassal,"
and that his scheme was deviHsh and pernicious. He
succeeded, however, in 1600, in appointing three

WORKING TOGETHER. 143

bishops in addition to those who were still left from
a previous attempt to create bishops in 1572.

When he became king of England, he found that
to become the acknowledged head of the Church of
England was a very pleasant change from being God's
silly vassal in Scotland. It strengthened his resolu-
tion to establish the episcopal system in the Scotch
Church. His royal authority was more than doubled
by the added force of the more centralized government
of England, and thus he was able to enter into a
struggle with the Scotch Church, in which he was
completely successful. One by one she was robbed of
all the guarantees of her independence. The Bishops
were restored to the government of the Church, and
the entire control of the clergy and the local synods
was placed in their hands. The stouter spirits among
the ministers were imprisoned or banished.

This victory was won just before James began the
seventy years' struggle between the English people and
their kmg by dissolving in anger the Parliament of
1611, after giving an unsatisfactory answer to its peti-
tion of grievances. From henceforth he was m
strained relations with both his kingdoms. The sore-
ness in Scotland was greatly increased by his attempt
to enforce on the Church the Five Articles relating to
matters of ritual, of which the first, ordering that the
Lord's Supper should be received kneeling, was pecu-
liarly obnoxious in Scotland, as it was regarded as
equivalent to a confession of Roman doctrme.

Charles provokes the Revolt of Scotland, 1637. —
Such was the state of things at the accession of
Charles I. (1625). Charles was a well-meaning man
of logical but narrow intellect, extremely dull sympa-

144 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

thies, and even less tact than his father. He had a
cultured taste in art, and his love of the fair and fit
led him to value highly the decorous and dignified
Avorship of the Anglican Church. He would not have
been true to himself if he had not tried to put the top
stone on his father's work by imposing the English
Prayer-book on the Church of Scotland. A visit to
Scotland increased his dislike to what he considered
the indecorum of the Scotch services, and he wrote to
the Scotch Bishops, " as the representative body of that
Church," requiring them to introduce a uniform ritual,
and canons for the uniformity of Church discipline.
The Prayer-book, however, was prepared by Laud, and
sent to the Bishops to be adopted without discussion.
It was simply the second Prayer-book of Edward VI.,
with the omission of such clauses as were thought to
savour of Zwinglian doctrine ; that is, it was less
decidedly Protestant than the English Prayer-book,

Charles endeavoured to impose this Prayer-book on
a nation which was already in a state of extreme ten-
sion. The Scotch nobles, who were far more powerful
than the English nobles, hated the Bishops, because
they saAV that the King preferred them as the more
subservient instruments of his government, and that
their oaati power and influence would soon pass very
largely into the Bishops' hands. There was a general
suspicion that the measures already introdiiced by
Charles and his father were only a prelude to the re-
establishment of Popery. The authority assumed by
Archbishop Laud over the Scotch Church was regarded
as the usurpation of a foreign Church. And not only
was the Scotch Prayer-book less Protestant than the
English, its origin was English. All the strongest

WORKING TOGETHER. 145

passions of the Scotch character — the pride of national
independence, the love for the Church which was the
nation's own work — were roused against the Prayer-
Ijook of Charles I.

It is this which gives dignity and nobility to the
great national revolt which now began in Scotland.
AVe must not regard it as a petty squabble about
Church ceremonies, in which one set of blind preju-
dices was pitted against another. It was the uprising
of a great people, determined to be themselves, and
not what anybody else Avould make them, however
cultured and enlightened. It was a new rebellion of
the Communitas of Scotland against a far less wise
king than Edward I., who sought to mould Scotland
for her good against her will. But the great difference
between the thirteenth and the seventeenth century
was, that now the deepest heart of England beat in
sympathy with Scotland.

The rebellion against the Prayer-book began with
the humble. The story of Jeanie Geddes and her stool
has been banished from history ; but it is certain that
a number of maidservants began the tumult at St.
Giles' Church, in Edinburgh, when the dean attempted
to read the Prayer-book. The resistance spread every-
Avhere, and before the end of November it had become
organized under a body of representative commis-
sioners. In the General Supplication Avhich was
presented to Charles, the Bishops were boldly accused
of having caused the troubles of the Church by break-
ing the law. It was demanded that they should no
longer sit on the Council.

The Covenant, 1638. — Charles answered the Suppli-
cation by a mere assertion of his own authority and

L

146 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

princely care for religion. Then the Scotch nation
banded itself together in the famous covenant for the
defence of the reformed religion, in which the con-
sideration of all novelties already introduced into the
worship or government of the Church was reserved for
the Assembly and Parliament ; and a free Parliament
and free General Assembly were demanded. The
Covenant was signed with enthusiasm by the nobility,
clergy, and people of Scotland. The few who
objected were overpowered by the force of public
opinion, or even by threats. It was not long before
the assertion was heard that the right to hold assem-
blies came direct from God, and that no earthly prince
might venture to interrupt them. In November a
General Assembly met at Glasgow, and swept away
the Prayer-book, the Canons of Discipline, the Five
Articles, and Episcopacy itself.

Charles had no alternative but war, if he could
make no concession. But he had no army and no
money. He was already deeply involved in the
struggle for supremacy in Church and State in
England which his father had begun. He had dis-
solved the Parliament of 1629, and imprisoned its
leaders. He shrank from summoning another because
he knew that he had lost the sympathies of England
as well as Scotland. The Scotch very soon had an
army of their own, and appointed as general Alexander
Leslie, a soldier thoroughly trained in the Thirty Years'
War. The chief fortresses of Scotland were in their
hands by the end of March, 1639.

The Treaty of Berwich, 1639. — Pressed by his
financial difficulties, Charles could only raise a small
army, which he led to Berwick in the summer. His

WORKING TOGETHER. 147

troops were ill-disciplined and inexperienced, his
nobles listless, and he was hemmed in on every side
by difficulties in raising money to pay his soldiers.
The hopelessness of maintaining the field under these
circumstances became apparent, and the king at last
bent his ear to negotiation. He signed the Treaty of
Berwick with the Scotch, in which he surrendered to
the Assembly the control of the Church, and to
Parliament the supremacy in civil matters. But it
was impossible for Charles to surrender a thing freely
and fully as Elizabeth would have done. He still
intended to retain his veto on all measures passed by
Assembly or Parliament, and hoped by that means to
be as much a sovereign as before. His mind too was
so strangely constituted that he thought it no wrong to
violate the spirit of an engagement if he kept the
letter. The treaty of Berwick had not been signed a
month before he summoned the Scotch Bishops to sit
in the Assembly which was to be held in Edinburgh ;
and when his Scotch advisers, such as Hamilton, told
him that what he proposed was impossible, he
instigated the Bishops to a secret protest against the
legality of all acts passed by an Assembly at which
they were not present.

The Assembly which met at Edinburgh in August
confirmed the abolition of Episcopacy, while Parlia-
ment discussed the constitution of the Lords of the
Articles — the important body which had hitherto
possessed the sole right of proposing and discussing
laills — and resolved that the choice of them should in
future lie exclusively with Parliament. Charles could
not bring himself to agree to this. He ordered the
Parliament to be prorogued, and was answered that

148 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

the king had no right to prorogue Parhament without
its consent. Thus already the question of poHtical
freedom had entered the ranks in Scotland by the side
of that of ecclesiastical independence.

The Short Parliament Summoned. — It was about
this time that Wentworth, Lord Deputy of Ireland,
came to England, and became the chief of Charles's
advisers. If a resolute will, boundless energy, fertility
of resource, and unswerving loyalty could have saved
Charles from the abyss towards which he was hasten-
ing, "Wentworth would have saved him. But as he
knew little better than his master how to discern the
hearts of Englishmen, or the drift of his times, he only
helped Charles into the gulf. The policy which he
advocated towards Scotland was that the disaffection
should be rigorously repressed, and the country
governed directly from England. The mere suspicion
of this latter idea was enough to rouse all the national
spirit in Scotland. As vigorous suppression could not
be carried out without means, Wentworth proposed,
and led the king to consent, that an English Parlia-
ment should be summoned, to make experiment of the
loyalty of the English people.

When this Short Parhament met, (1640,) Charles
hoped to rouse the resentment of the English nation
against the Scotch by reading a letter which had been
written (but never sent) by the Covenanting leaders to
the king of France, asking his mediation ; but the
House of Commons was too full of other thoughts to
be stirred by worn-out national jealousies. Under the
leadership of Pym, it addressed itself at once to the
chief grievances of the Stuart government. These
were, in brief, the predominance of the royal will in

WORKING TOGETHER. 149

State and Church. They were the demand of the
English nation, which had come to manhood, to have
a voice in its own government, and in the moulding
of its own Church. These grievances the House of
Commons was determined to discuss before granting
supplies for maintaining the king's cause in Scotland.
The leaders of the Opposition had already entered into
communication with the Scotch Covenanters, and knew
perfectly well that "the cause of the Scotch was in
reality their own." Seeing the temper of the Parlia-
ment, Charles hastily dissolved it, but not before it
had made England aware that her aims and those of
Scotland were radically the same.

The Scotch were not long in deciding on their
course. The very backwardness of their political
development caused much less divinity to hedge a
king in Scotland than in England. Though their
Parliament was but a poor representation of the
nation, and though the lawlessness of the nobles
was the greatest evil of their political life, yet that
very lawlessness had preserved to the Estates a power
of independent action which the English Parliament
was slow to claim. Those who led the Covenanting
movement laid it down that a king who invaded his
country with arms might lawfully be deposed. In
spite of Charles's orders of prorogation, the Scotch
Parliament met and passed the great constitutional
changes discussed in the previous October, of which
it was said rejoicingly that they "fettered monarchy
with chains, and set new limits and marks to the
same, beyond which it was not legally to proceed."
They lost no time in getting ready again for war, and
their first move was to strengthen their position by

ISO ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

coercing the Keltic north of Scotland. The Western
Highlanders, under the influence of their chieftain,
Argyle, a wily politician who had thro-svn himself on
the side of the Covenanters, were ready to follow
wherever he should lead them; but the Marquis of
Huntly was a sort of little king in the north-east of
Scotland, and his Highland territory stretched to the
borders of the realm of the Campbells. Argyle was
not unwilling to make the hand of the Campbells felt
on the rival power, and he harried the domains of
Huntly so mercilessly that there was no further fear
of opposition to the Covenant in the North.

The Scotch enter Englmid. — On the 20th of August,
1640, the Scotch army crossed the Tweed. On the
28th they scattered a small English force at Newburn,
a ford of the Tyne four miles above Newcastle. On
that very day some peers and commoners of the dis-
solved Parliament were meeting in London, and
twelve peers signed a petition to the king for a new
Parliament, in which his evil counsellors were to be
brought to trial, and negotiations for peace begun with
the Scotch. In like manner the Scotch, after occupy-
ing Durham, sent in a supplication to Charles that
their grievances might be redressed with the advice of
an English Parliament. The promoters of the English
petition, following an example already set in Scot-
land, took pains to publish it for circulation among
the common people. There was open rejoicing in
London when the news came of the victory of the
Scotch at Newburn. A petition for a Parliament,
signed by 10,000 London citizens, was presented to
the king, and on the same day he heard that Edin-
burgh Castle had surrendered to the Covenanters.

WORKING TOGETHER. 151

For long Charles vacillated between hope and fear;
but at last the emptiness of his treasury drove him to
consent to the cry for a Parliament. A temporary
l^eace was made with the Scotch, on the understanding
that its terms were to be discussed and concluded by
the Parliament which was now summoned, and which
is famous in history as the Long Parliament.

It is not the business of this book to tell the history
of the Revolution, but simply to point out the inter-
working of England and Scotland in the struggle. We
must bear in mind that it was in reality a struggle for
ecclesiastical power. The constitutional difficulties —
those which concerned the liberty of the subject and
the right of the king to raise taxes without consent of
Parliament — would probably have been settled with-
out civil war, had not the Puritan party been resolved
to reform the Church after their own ideal. Unhappily
neither of the great parties perceived that the true
solution of the question lay in toleration, and the in-
tolerance of both sides made a civil war inevitable.

The Long Parliament, 1641. — The presence of the
Scotch army in England decided not only the meeting
of the Long Parliament, but the impeachment and
execution of Strafford, which could not have been so
easily accomplished without this armed force in the
background. The English Parliament soon took the
negotiation with the Scotch army into its own hands.
Charles hoped that the demands of the Scotch would
irritate English pride. The scheme broached by the
Scotch for unity of religion in the two countries was
very offensive to many English, and others disliked
equally the proposal for unity of trade. But in the
discussion of these delicate matters the majority in the

152 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

House of Commons was guided by the highest political
tact, and succeeded in avoiding even a breach of inter-
national courtesy.

Charles now paid a visit to Scotland, in hopes of
raising a party there strong enough to win back his
supremacy. But he was too late, for the Earl of
Argyle, the cleverest politician in Scotland, had seized
on the reins of government, and had thrown into prison
the Earl of Montrose, an ardent spirit who was just
about to pass over from the Covenanting party to the
king's. Charles gained nothing by his visit to Scotland
but the complete mistrust of the popular party. A
mysterious affair took place, known in history as the
Incident, by Avhich Charles was involved in the
suspicion of having entered into a conspiracy to seize
Argyle and Hamilton. The suspicion was probably
false, but Charles had exposed himself to it by his
reckless intrigues. All these intrigues were watched
by Jolm Hampden, who was one of the commissioners
sent by Parliament to Edinburgh to see to the
execution of the Scotch treaty. The only result of
the Incident was to establish Argyle more firmly in
power, and Charles returned to England with his hopes
from Scotland completely defeated.

The Irish Rebellion, 1641.— Just before the king's
return to England the Irish rebellion broke out, and the
cruel massacres of English and Scotch settlers which
were reported sent a thrill of horror through England.
The Puritan party suspected Charles of being liimseK in
league with the Irish rebellion, and intending to use the
Irish against his Parliament. When Charles appealed to
Scotland for help in suppressing the rebellion, the
Scotch Council under Argyle recommended him to give

WORKING TOGETHER. 153

up the idea of going to Ireland, and come to terms
with his ParHament in England. A similar refusal
was given in June, 1642, but this time it was given by
the Scotch Council at the dictation of a great popular
deputation, " which summoned the Council to keep
peace with the English Parliament."

Peace, however, was now impossible. The English
Parliament had demanded the control of the militia ;
that is, the power of the sword, without which it had
no guarantee for the concessions it had already wrung
from the king, and Charles refused to surrender that
power. War between Parliament and king began
in August, 1642.

TAe League with Scotland. — The Parliamentary
General, the Earl of Essex, had little military ability,
and the first year of warfare brought no decisive suc-
cess to the popular side. A firm alliance with the
Scotch ofi'ered the best resource for opposing the prestige
of the king, bvit to obtain this alliance it was necessary
that the Parliament should accept Presbyterianism and
the Scotch Covenant. There was no great difficulty
about this, as the majority of the Puritan party in
England inclined towards the Presbyterian form of
Church government. The idea of a free Church, or of
liberty of worship, was unthought of by either of the
two chief ecclesiastical parties ; it was thus inevitable
that if the State Church ceased to be Episcopalian,
she should try the experiment of Presbyterianism.
The Solemn League and Covenant was, therefore,
signed by the English Parliament, and enforced wher-
ever the authority of Parliament extended. It was a
change from one intolerant ecclesiastical system to
another ; but there was in the English Parliament a

154 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

small minority, the party of the Independents, Avhose
watchword was religious liberty, and with them was
the future. Not from Scotland was the solution of
the great religious difficulty to come, though Scotland
contributed to it by the help given in the hour of
danger.

The Scotch give up Cliarles to Parliament. — This
league with Scotland was the last work of the great
statesman Pym, who had hitherto been the real leader
of the English revolution. In January, 1644, a
Scotch army crossed the Tweed. In July the decisive
battle of Marston Moor was fought, the first great
success of the Parliamentary party. The arms of the
Scotch contributed little to the victory, which was won
by the doughtiness of Cromwell and his Ironsides;
but none the less the alliance between the English
and Scotch nations was the final blow to the Royalist
cause. Charles sought to divert fate by sending an
Irish force to Scotland to find work for the Scotch
troops in their own realm. Montrose (now thoroughly
Royalist) joined this army with a body of Highlanders,
and met with such success, that by August, 1645, the
whole North of Scotland was in his power. The
hopes of the king, Avhose cause in England had just
been ruined by the defeat of Naseby, rested entirely
on the army of Montrose. A part of the Scotch host
did return to Scotland, but only to cut in pieces the
army of Montrose at Philiphaugh ; while Charles's last
military effort was wi-ecked under his own eyes at
Rowton Moor. Trusting to the discord which was
already arising between the Presbyterian and Indepen-
dent parties, Charles threw himself into the hands of
the Scotch army before Newark, But the Scotch Avere

WORKING TOGETHER. 155

still true to their alliance with Parliament. In con-
junction with the two Houses, they offered him terms
which would have restored him to the throne as a
Presbyterian king, but which would have involved the
extinction of religious liberty. Charles refused these
terms, hoping that the strife between the two parties
of his enemies would soon make him master of the
situation. The Scotch, therefore, gave Charles up to
the Parliament ; and having finished their work, and
received a settlement for the arrears due to them,
returned across the Border.

CHAPTER XII.

FROM DISUNION TO THE UNION.

The Scotch take CJiarles's j^ciTt. — Ui) to this point
the English and Scotch nations had worked together,
and by their i;nited action the complete defeat of the
king had been accomplished. "What separated them
was the accession to power of the Independent party
— the party which saw that "new Presbyter was but
old Priest writ large," and whose claim was for freedom
of worship for all Christian sects. Scotland was not
advanced enough to sympathize with this claim. It
was impossible that in a country so poor and isolated,
where the Crown itself could only keep its authority
by constant bloody struggles, there should be the
same play of thought, the same richness of intellectual
development, as the long peace of Elizabeth's reign
had promoted in England. Scotland had abundance
of spirit for strikuag blows ; she had earned an
undying crown by the great blow she had already
struck for the rights of the people ; but she had yet
to learn the lesson of religious toleration. Her one
idea of duty was to make Presbyterianism dominant.
Cromwell and the Independents had a larger ideal
before them. The Independents were the core of the
Army, and in 1647 the Army took possession of power.

FROM DISUNION TO THE UNION. 157

and seized the person of the king. Toleration of
worship for all Protestant sects, and the freedom of
even Catholics from enforced conformity, were part of
the noble programme of reform which the Army offered
the king. But the defeat of the Presbyterian party
put an end to the fellow-working of England and
Scotland, and the intrigues of Charles completed the
breach, while they ruined himself as well. Throwing
up his negotiations with the Army, he signed a treaty
with the Scotch, consenting to re-establish Presbyter-
ianism in England. An army of 20,000 Scotch invaded
England on his behalf.

Cromioell Conquers Scotland, 1650. — The Scotch paid
dearly for failing the cause of religious liberty. Their
army was shattered into fragments by Cromwell in
Lancashire ; and Lambert, pressing on into Scotland,
was joined by the Covenanters of Ayrshire in over-
throwing the king's party in Scotland, and placing
Argyle again at the head of affairs. But the trial and
execution of Charles I. (1649), which followed the
triumph of the Army, again alienated the Scotch ;
Argyle proclaimed Charles IL king. Cromwell had to
luidertake the conquest of Scotland. At Dunbar he
shattered the forces of the Scotch general Leslie, who
had commanded the Scotch army when it marched to
the help of England in 1644. The battle of Worcester
completed the destruction of the Scotch Eoyalists, who
had invaded England under Prince Charles. The
subjugation of the Highlands was accomplished by
the Parliamentary general Monk, and Cromwell's
first Parliament passed a bill which united the legisla-
ture of the two realms. The rest of Cromwell's reign
was a time of great peace and prosperity for Scotland.

158 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

The strong hand of the Protector kept down the
license of the nobles and the lawlessness of the
Highland clans. There Avas no religious persecution to
embitter the hearts of the Scotch ; and if on the one
hand the General Assembly of the Kirk, which had
been the great organ of their national life, was sup-
pressed, on the other hand they were represented in
the Parliament of England, And with the Union
they received the great boon of freedom of trade with
England.

The Union Abrogated hy Charles II. — The history
of the two succeeding reigns, during which there was
no important national interaction between England
and Scotland, may be briefly dismissed. After the
Restoration, Scotland was a crushed and beaten victim.
England had made what was virtually a treaty with
Charles II., which secured a great part of the work of
the Revolution. Scotland had no treaty, and conse-
quently lost all the privileges which she had gained by
the Revolution. The Union which Cromwell had
accomplished was swept away, and the prosperity of
the country was ruined by the loss of freedom of
trade. Episcopacy was restored, and the Covenant
solemnly burned by the hangman. Resistance was
trampled out with odious cruelty. Charles was
determined, to crush Presbyterianism so effectually
that it should never again appear in the field as the
aUy of English liberty.

Under James II. Scotland not only saw her liberties
trodden under the heel of a despotic king, but was
threatened with that which was most abhorrent to the
national mind, the restoration of Popery. The nation
gladly accepted the deliverance brought by William of

FROM DISUNION TO THE UNION. 159

Orange, who treated Scotland with tact and respect,
and was careful not to force himself on the nation,
but to allow the Convention Parliament to elect freely.
The Presbyterian form of government was now restored
to the Scotch Church, though it was at the same time
deprived of the power of persecution. A measure for
uniting the two legislatures was contemplated by
William from the first, but trade selfishness made it
unpopular in England. But this very selfishness, by
the injury which it inflicted on Scotland, roused a
spirit in the weaker country which made the union of
the two realms an imperative political necessity. The
great commercial calamity of the Darien Company was
one of the chief agents in bringing about the Union.

This company (whose proper name was the Indian
and African Company) was started with great en-
thusiasm in Scotland, in the hope that it would give
Scotland a share in that rich commerce from which her
jealous neighbour had excluded her (1695). From
the beginning it was fro\vned on by the English
government, and the occupation as a colony of a site
in the midst of Spanish settlements came most inoppor-
tunely for William at a time when the alliance of
Spain was essential to him in curbing the ambition of
France. Consequently the colony received no support
from England, and was ruined by the combined efi'ects
of the climate and the hostilities of the Spaniards.
The sufferings of the survivors roiised the sympathy
and indignation of their countrymen, who believed
that England had betrayed them from commercial
jealousy. The excitement ran so high that Scotland
seemed likely to break away from England, and the
danger was heightened by the death of the Duke of

i6o ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

Gloucester, the heir-apparent to the throne. William
saw that the only way to put an end to the discord
between the two nations was their legislative imion ;
but all attempts to bring it about during his reign
were thwarted by English jealousy, and the first com-
mission appointed when Anne came to the throne did
nothing, because the English commissioners would not
grant the essential point of free trade with Scotland,

Scotland refuses the Successio?i Ad. — -The new Scotch
Parliament, which met in 1703, met in a high spirit of
national independence. It enacted that Scotland
shoiild not be dragged into wars with foreign powers
without the consent of the Scotch ParHament; and
while Marlborough was beginning his great career
against France, it showed its hostility by opening a
free trade in arms with France. But the question of
the Succession to the throne oJffered the best field for
the assertion of national independence. Scotland had
not been consulted about the Act of Succession by
which the English Parliament had settled the crown
upon the Electress So^jhia and her children, and she
determined not to follow suit. After a violent debate,
in which England was hotly denounced, an Act was
passed providing for an independent determination of
the crown in Scotland; and the country began to arm.

It became necessary for the English Parliament to
take notice of this Act, bi;t through the sagacity of
Godolphin a direct condemnation of it was avoided,
and the queen was recommended to put the country into
a state of defence. An Act was then passed to bring about
a union between the kingdoms. Penal restrictions
were placed on commerce with Scotland until Scotland
should have accepted the Succession. The Scotch

FROM DISUNION TO THE UNION. i6i

were greatly offended at the English Act, but their
Parliament had sense enough to join in the appoint-
ment of commissioners for the Union. They sent an
address to the queen, insisting on the removal of the
obnoxious clauses of the English Act. This the
English Parliament, under the guidance of Somers,
had the grace to do at once.

Union of Englanrl and Seofland, 1707. — Tlie com-
missioners of both kingdoms met at Whitehall in
April, 1706. The most important of all the articles —
those concerning parliamentary union, the succession,
equal citizenship, and free trade— were passed almost
without discussion. The English offered to pay an
equivalent, to avoid the sacrifice which the equaliza-
tion of taxation would entail on the poorer country.
A compensation was also paid to the shareholders of
the Darien Company, thus healing a great national sore.
Scotland was allowed to keep her local and judicial
institutions. The treaty when concluded was presented
to the Scotch Parliament; it was a piece of statesman-
like tact to submit it first to the weaker nation to
discuss. The Jacobites, who were enemies to the Union
because they were enemies to the government, exerted
themselves to arouse the national jealousy, and excited
a bitter popular opposition to the treaty. But the victory
of Marlborough at Ramillies, the discomfiture of the
French on whom the Jacobites leaned for support, did
more for the Union than all the arguments of its sup-
porters. The disruptors were beaten, and their plots
confounded. An attempt to unite the disaffected
Camerouians of the West with the Jacobite High-
landers, under the leadership of the Duke of Hamilton,
failed utterly. Even a solemn protest which was to

M

1 62 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

have been presented by the Duke of Hamilton fell to
the ground. The treaty passed the Scotch Parliament,
and was carried through the English Parliament under
the ministry of Godolphin. By his tact and statecraft
it was passed in its entirety, as it had been shaped by
the Parliament of Scotland — a graceful concession
which did much to soften bitterness. It received the
royal assent on March 6th, 1707; and in May, 1707,
the great design of Edward I. and Oliver Cromwell
was carried out, and a Parliament of the United
Kingdom met at Westminster.

INDEX

Abeniethy, 32.

Adamnan, 27.

Aidan, Bishop, 6.

Aidan, King, 2-5.

Alban, Kingdom of, 12-21.

Albany, Dukes of, 73, 77, 78,

86-89.
Alclwyd, 3, 4, 8.
Aldred of Bamborough, 15-17.
Alexander I. of Scotland, 37, 40.
Alexander II., 47, 49.
Alexander III., 50, 51.
Alfred, King, 15.
Alnwick, 46.

Alva, Duke of, 129, 130, 132.
Andrew, St., Worship of, 10.
Andrew, St., Siege of, 105.
Ancrum Moor, 102.
Angus, Earl of, 86, 90, 95, 100,

101, 102.
Angus, King of the Plots, 10.
Anne, Queen, 160.
Argyle and the Isles, 41, 72.
Argyle, Earls of, 82, 150, 152,

157.
Armada, Spanish, 138.
Arran, Earls of, 90, 100, 112,

115.
Athelstan, 17, 24.

Babington Plot, 137.
Balliol, John, 54-57, 59, 60.
Balliol, Edward, 67-69.
Bamborough, 3, 14, 30, 70.

Bannockburn, 63.

Bartholomew's Eve Massacre,
133.

Beaton, Archbishop, 90, 92, 97.

Beaton, Archbishop and Car-
dinal, 97, 99, 101, 104.

Beda, 4, 27.

Bernicia, 3, 14, 16-20, 28.

Berwick, 56, 64, 68, 69, 71, 76,
78, 82, 146.

Boniface VIII., 59.

Borderers, 85.

Bothwell, Earl of, 122, 123,
124-127.

Brigham, Treaty of, 52.

Bruce, Edward, 64.

Bruce, Robert, 54, 59, 61-66.

Brunnanburgh, Battle of, 18.

Buchan, Countess of, 61, 62.

Cambuskenneth, Battle of, 58.

Carberry Hill, 127.

Carham, Battle of, 21-25,

Carlisle, 8, 34, 56.

Catrail, 3.

Cecil, Sir William, 112, 113,

119, 123, 132, 137.
Cecil, Sir Robert, 139.
Cession of Lothian, 9-22.
Charles I., 143-157.
Charles II., 157, 158.
Chester, Battle of, 5.
Church of Scotland, 36, 57,

108, 141-148, 158, 159.

164

INDEX.

Cnut, 22, 24.

Columba, 2, 5.

Congregation, Lords of the, 111,

112, 121.
Constantine II., King of Scots,

16, 17, 24.
Convention of Haddington, 106,

107.
Comyn, The Red, 60, 61.
Corbridge, Battle of, 16.
Coronation Stone, 57.
Covenant, The, 145, 153, 158.
Cromwell, 154, 157.
Cumberland, 8, 9, 18, 33, 44, 56.

Dacre, Lord, 85, 87, 100.
Dalriada, 2, 8, 10, 11.
Danes, 10, 13, 15-19, 22, 31.
Darien Company, 159.
Darnley, Henry, 119, 122, 125.
David I., 37-41, 44, 45.
David n., 66, 67, 69-71.
Dawstone, Battle of, 5.
Deira, 4, 6, 15, 18.
Divorce, Henry VIII. 's, 93,110.
Donald Bane, 35.
Dorsum Britannia or Drumal-

ban, 2,
Douglas Family, 69, 73, 75, 86.
Dumbarton, 3.
Duncan, 28.

Dunbar, Battles of, 56, 157.
Duukeld, 12.
Dunnichen, Battle of, 9.
Dunstan, 19.
Duplin Moor, Battle of, 68.

Eadulf of Bamborough, 15, 16.
Eadulf Evilchild, 20.
Edinburgh, 5, 19, 134.
Edinburgh, Treaty of, 114, 117,

126.
Edith or Matilda of Scotland,

38.
Edgar Etheling, 29, 33, 35.
Edgar, King of the English,

20, 24.

Edgar, King of Scots, 37.
Edmund, King, 18.
Edred, King, 18, 24.
Edward the Elder, 16, 23.
Edward I., 52-63.
Edward II., 63-65.
Edward III., 65-70.
Edward IV., 76-78.
Edward VI., 105.
Edwin, KingofNorthumbria, 5.
Edwin and Morcar, 31.
Egfrith, King of Northum-

bria, 8.
Elizabeth, 110-139.
, Ella, King of Deira, 4, 5.
! Elmet, 5.
English Conquest of Northum-

bria, 4.
English Emigration to Lothian,

36, 40.
English Supremacy, 23, 43, 54,

55.
Episcopacy in Scotland, 142,

146, 158.
Ethelfrith of Northumbria, 4.
Excommunication of Elizabeth,

131.

Falaise, Treaty of, 46.
Falkirk, Battle of, 59.
Ferdinand of Aragon, 81.
Feudalism, 32, 37.
Five Articles, 143, 146.
Flodden, Battle of, 83.
French Alliance with Scotland,

55, 66, 82, 85-87, 96-134.
FrontierofEnglandfixed,21,49,

Gael, 2, 27.
Galloway, 44, 47, 62.
Gospatrick, Earl, 31, 32.

Halidon Hill, Battle of, 68.
Halydon Rigg or Hedonrig, 99.
Harlaw, Battle of, 72.
Hatfield or Heathfield, Battle
of, 6.

INDEX.

i6s

Hamilton Family, 86, 127, 130,

161.
Hebrides, 51.
Henry II., 45.
Henry III., 48, 49.
Henry IV., 71, 72.
Henry V., 72.
Henry VII., 79-82.
Henry VIII., 83-105.
Humbledon, Battle of, 72.
Huntly, Earls of, 82, 119, 124,

128, 150.

Ida, 3, 23.
Incident, The, 152.
Independence, War of, 52-66.
Independents, 154, 156.
Indulph, King, 19.
lona, 5.

Ireland, 2, 6, 64, 135, 152.
Isles, Lords of the, 41, 72, 75,
76, 82, 102.

James I. of Scotland, 71-75.
James II. ,, 75, 76.

James III. ,, 77, 80,

James IV. ,, 80-84.

James V. ,, 84-100.

James VI. ,, 124-143.

James II. of England, 158.
Jesuits, 134.
John, 47.

Kelts, 1, 53, 102.
Kenneth Mac Alpin, 11.
Kenneth II., 20,
Knox, John, 107, 108, 111, 119,
123.

Lancashire, 8.
Langside, Battle of, 168.
Largs, Battle of, 51,
Laud, Archbishop, 144.
League between Elizabeth and

James, 135.
Leith, Siege of, 113, 114.
Liudisfarne, 6.

Lords of the Articles, 147.
Lothian, 14, 19, 22, 24, 26, 39,

50, 68, 70.

Macbeth, 28,
Magna Charta, 47.
Maid of Norway, 52.
Maitland of Lethington, 108,

113, 120, 125, 134.
Malcolm I., 18.
Malcolm II., 21.
Malcolm III. (Oaumore), 28,

32-35
Malcolm IV., 40-45.
:\Iau, Isle of, 51, 68.
Margaret, St., 28-30, 35.
JIargaret of Anjou, 76.
Margaret Tudor, 81, 86, 88, 89,

92, 98.
Marston Moor, Battle of, 154.
Mary of Guise, 97, 101, 107,

114.
Mary Stuart, 100-138.
Mary Tudor, 91, 93, 94, 108.
Methven, Battle of, 62.
Mitton, Chapter of, 64.
Montrose, Earl of, 152, 154.
Moray, 28, 40.
Morton, 123, 124, 131-134.
ilurray, Eaii of (Lord James

Stuart), 106, 108, 117, 118,

120, 123, 126, 127, 130.

Nechtan, King of Picts, 9, 10.
Nevil's Cross, Battle of, 69.
Newburn, Skirmish of, 150.
Newcastle, 33, 50.
Norfolk, Duke of, 129, 132.
Norham, 34, 53, 83.
Norman Conquest, 30.
Normans in Scotland, 38, 40, 41.
Northampton, Treaty of, 65.
Northern Counties, 45, 49, 63-

65, 76, 118.
Northmen, 13-15, 17, 25, 34.
Northumbria, 3, 8.
Norwegians, 11, 13, 24, 33.

1 66

INDEX.

Orkney Isles, 13.

Oswald, King of Nortliiun-

bria, 6.
Oswy, King of Northumbria, 7.
Otterburn, Battle of, 71.

Pacification of Perth, 1-34.
Parliament of England, 143,

146, 148, 151, 153.
Parliament of Scotland, 53, 60,

114, 147, 149.
Percy Family, 71.
Perkin Warbeck, 80, 81.
Philip II. of Spain, 108, 119,

132, 135, 137.
Picts, 1, 2, 5, 8-12, 44.
Pinkie, Battle of, 105.
Plantation of Moray, 40.
Prayer-book for Scotland, 144.
Presbyterianism in England,

153, 156, 157.
Protestantism, 94, 104, 108-

111.
Pyra, John, 148.

Raid of Ruthven, 135.
Reformation in Scotland, 110-

114.
Richard I., 46.
Richard II., 70.
Richard III., 77,78.
Ridolfi Plot, 132.
Rizzio, David, 122, 123.
Robert, son of William I. , 33.
Robert Bruce, 54, 59, 61-65.
Robert II., 71.
Roses, Wars of, 75-78.
Roslin, Skirmish of, 60.
Ross, Earldom of, 41, 72, 77.
Roxburgh Castle, 70, 73, 74.

Scots, 2, 4, 5-8, 11.
Scotia, 21.

Scotch Troops in France, 73,74.

Scoto-Irish Church, 5, 6, 9, 12,
27.

Siward, Earl, 21, 28.

Solway Moss, 99.

Somerset, Protector, 102, 105,

106.
I Standard, Battle of the, 44.

Stephen, King, 44, 45.

Stirling, Peace of, 81.

Strathcarron, Battle of, 8.
! Strathclyde, 9, 10, 17, 25, 29.

Stuart Dynasty, 70.

Succession, Act of, 160.

Surrey, Earls of, 84, 88.

Towns in Scotland, 36.
Trumwine, Bishop of Aber-
corn, 9.

Uchtred, Earl, 15, 21, 31.
Union of England and Scotland,
i 140, 157,^161.

I

\ Vow of the Swan,s, 62.

! Wallace, William, 57-60.

! Waltheof, Earl, 32.

I Wark, 34, 71, 88.

j Walsinghara, Sir Francis, 137.

Welsh Language in Strathclyde,
I 25.

Wentworth, Sir Thomas (Straf-
ford), 148, 151.

Wessex, 17, 23, 44.

Whitby, Synod of, 7.

Wilfrid, Bishop, 7.

William the Conqueror, 29-32.

William the Lion, 46, 47.

William of Orange, 159.

William Rufus, 33-35, 37.

Winwaed, Battle of, 8.

AVolsey, Thomas, 83-93.

HIGHWAYS OF HISTORY

Edited by
LOUISE CREIGHTON,

AUTHOR OF "a FIRST HISTORY OF ENGLAND,"
"stories from ENGLISH HISTORY," ETC.

Small 8vo.

The aim of this series is to give consecutive treatment to certain
important subjects in English History. A strictly chronological
arrangement of history distracts the reader's attention from one
subject to another. Though England's progi-ess has to be
studied by reading hei history as a whole, yet clearness is
gained on many points by a separate survey of some important
line of advance. The treatment of the subjects in this series is
adapted for the use of students who have already mastered the
general outline of English History, but wish for more con-
nected information with regard to some special point. Each
part is complete in itself, and treats of its own subject without
reference, except where necessary, to the general course of
events.

THE GOVERNMENT OF ENGLAND. i;r. 6rf.
i- THE SOCIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND.

THE HISTORY OF RELIGION IN ENGLAND, ijt. (,d.

THE CONNECTION BETWEEN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND.

ENGLAND AND IRELAND, u. M.

THE GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH COLONIES, ijr. 6</.
L, THE RELATIONS OF ENGLAND WITH FOREIGN POWERS.

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re move

blD
(tfi
-Pi

the card
from this
Pocket.

Acme Library Card Pocket

Under Pat. " Ref . Index File."
Made by LIBRARY BUREAU